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10th Congress of the Communist Party of Bangladesh A Brief Outline of The Political Resolution (Draft)

by Communist Party of Bangladesh, 13 October 2012

(Unofficial translation)

 

1. International and Regional Situation

[31 separate paragraphs in this chapter deals successively with many subjects of which the following are more important].

1. The peripheral position of Bangladesh in the framework of capitalist globalization.

2. The role of US imperialism and its increasing aggressiveness in the international arena.

3. Dangers emanating from concrete actions of US imperialism in particular, and imperialism in general, all over the world and especially in the Asia-Pacific region .

4. New elements of decay and crisis in the capitalist-imperialist world system. Intensification of various internal contradictions.

5. New advances in the fight against imperialism for national liberation and towards progressive restructuring of society in various parts of the world.

6. Economic and military-strategic designs of imperialism concerning and centering on Bangladesh.

7. Foreign policy of Bangladesh. Nature of relations with Pakistan, India etc. Regional situation.

8. Conflicts in the region. Common interests of all countries. Need for enhanced cooperation between the states of the region and between the democratic, progressive forces as well as among the people of South Asia.]

National Socio-Economic Situation (It contains 17 paragraphs describing macro economic performance, sectoral development, environmental issues, NGO activities, social and cultural developments etc. Below we just present the conclusive essence of all those narratives.)

    1. The rich is becoming richer and poor is becoming poorer. Growth is always bypassing the bottom majority. Changes in political power have become meaningless in the eyes of the citizens since policies and outcomes remain same! Rather people think that political choice has become confined within the two alternatives between the “lesser evil” and the “Evil”.

    2. The continuing exploitation and rule of imperialism and local plundering capitalist class, the devastating consequences of the 'free market' economy and capitalist globalization, the planned attempt for nearly two decades to enchain politics within the framework of a bipolar system, and the total failure, criminal activities, low level of morality and ideology, shameless opportunism, disgraceful activities to serve foreign powers, limitless plundering, corruption and atrocities perpetrated at all levels including the national leadership and in short total bankruptcy of the so called 'parties of the main current' namely BNP and Awami league, as well as the armed and other conspiratorial activities of the ultra communal forces with the direct assistance or indulgence of these two parties and various conspiracies to serve the interest of imperialism and foreign powers etc. had pushed the country toward grave uncertainty, conflict and disaster.

 

Political Situation

3.1 Our national liberation war of 1971 was a historical road mark in our history. Bangladesh had started its journey after defeating Pakistani reactionary military Junta on the basis of four fundamental state principles: Nationalism, Socialism, Democracy and Secularism. From the very beginning there were many loopholes, deviations and deficits in the state craft at that time. There was also huge resistance from the enemies. By using these weaknesses the country had been disoriented from its path. From then on the state has been under the rule of imperialism and the crony capitalist class. During this whole period the country was under direct or indirect military rule with a civilian appearance for almost one and a half decade. In 1990 after the fall of the despotic rule of general Ershad, the constitutional process was initiated under the rule of elected civilian government and almost 22 years have passed since then. If we keep apart the two-year army backed rule of the so called “One-Eleven Period” (i.e. the rule of the so called care taker government led by Dr. Fakhruddin) apart from these 22 years, we will find that during the remaining two decades the two main bourgeoise parties of Bangladesh: Awami League and BNP had consecutively changed power from one hand to another for four times. In order to capture state power they along with other political parties formed tactical alliance, established various kinds of hidden understanding, formed alliance and grand alliance ( “Jote” and Mohajote”)etc. and with the help of these strategies and tactics they have divided the politics of the country effectively into two opposite camps under them. According to the plan of the local and foreign ruling and exploiter classes as well as with the help of their huge money power and immense influence on the national media, they had effectively been able to strongly confine the politics of this country within a two-party bipolar circle.

    1. Given this general background during the ninth national parliamentary election held in December 2008, people became very much eager to get rid of the five years misrule of “BNP-Jamaat Jote” (The alliance between BNP and Jamaat-e-Islam) and the pain of two year rule of the “One-Eleven Government” ( The Government led by Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed) . Awami League and its grand alliance also announced some popular promises regarding, price-hike, corruption, trial of war criminals, digitization of Bangladesh, etc. A huge optimism was created in the minds of the voters and AL alone won three fourth of the parliamentary seats and with its grand alliance won four fifth! In this way AL had again come to power after a seven years gap.

    2. Due to this huge majority and almost a monopoly power in the constitutional assembly, the support and positive expectation of the people as well as other favourable circumstances, etc. an opportunity was created before the new government to reorient the country again and move ahead along the progressive path of liberation war. But the Government did not use this opportunity. In the field of socio-economic policies and ideologies this government decided to follow the old path of imperialist dependency and crony capitalism. Although AL had led our liberation war in 1971, the current AL is no more like what it was before. The class character of this party has changed entirely. Once upon a time in the leadership of AL members from the middle strata like lawers, teachers, doctors, small business men, etc. were dominant. But now there is the dominance of plundering bourgeoise and big capitalists. Thus with this kind of leadership it is now impossible for AL to reorient the state along the progressive path of liberation. At the most they can make fundamental compromises on the issue of liberation and resort to only formal rehabilitation of the trend of liberation war and thereby keep the ruling classes satisfied as well as may create confusions and fake satisfactions in the minds of the people. This character of AL was understood even before the election. Despite so many other words in the election manifesto of AL, there was actually no mention about restoring the four fundamental principles of the 1972 constitution and that was done consciously.

    3. Because of the loss of popularity of AL a political vacuum is created and BNP is trying to come to power by filling up that vacuum. After restoring its old unity with Jamaat, it has further inducted 18 other parties ( most of them have nominal strength!) to expand its “Jote” (Alliance). There has occurred no change in the right-reactionary and communal character of BNP. BNP is trying hard to win the support of local and foreign ruling classes by demonstrating to them her greater efficiency and better performance compared to AL in protecting the interests of imperialism, communalism and plundering. But though people are now turning away from AL, they are not encouraged to flock around BNP. People are not liking the rule of AL but they also do not want BNP-Jamaat alliance to come to power. They want an honest-progressive government outside these two forces.

    4. At present the most dangerous forces in the country are: jamaat-e-Islam, communal forces and the fascist militant forces. Because of the opportunism of the democratic force of the country, their weaknesses and failures, they have now turned into a real danger. This time the AL led mohajote (Grand Alliance) government did not make jamaat the main target of its blow at the very beginning of its rule and lost a big political opportunity. Jamaat has become active again by jumping upon the shoulder of BNP. It has become more difficult now to politically extinguish jamaat.

    5. The present political crisis is the natural outcome of the existing socio-economic situation as a whole. That is why the situation demands a fundamental change in our socio-economic system. The necessity of this fundamental task is becoming clear to the people day by day. The left forces who could uphold the alternative are not yet ready for it. In spite of so many attempts and successive efforts it was not yet possible to institute a structure of left unity. The influence and mass mobilization power of the majority of the left parties is weak. Besides, many of them have many defects, deviations and confusions. One part of the left is a partner of the “Mohajote” and therefore they still remain a part of the government. On the other hand some left parties are suffering from the various kinds of weaknesses like, left sectarianism, revolutionary phrase mongering, confining oneself to ivory tower theorization completely estranged from mass people. CPB is the largest left party but even then CPB alone does not have enough strength and capacity to unite them all for bringing them to the right path. Till now there is also no visible influential, progressive, large, honest and patriotic political force outside the left who could unite with the left and form a left-democratic alliance. Therefore there is a lacuna in the expectation of people for an alternative political force. This is the main problem of our politics. However without fulfilling this need there can not be any transition.

. .

Political Task

4.1 Overcoming of the existing crisis requires that a revolutionary democratic transformation of society and state be brought about. This fundamental task should be considered as a continuous day to day task, and should not be kept pending till the completion of any other partial task. In carrying on all immediate and urgent tasks, this must always be considered as the pivotal task, and necessary tactics has to be taken keeping this consideration in mind. In this context, special importance will have to be given to advance the following four tasks.

(a) To build up an 'alternate polarization' of left-progressive-democratic forces outside the orbit of forces mobilizing around bourgeois parties, and strengthening the capability, qualification and popular support of this 'alternative' so as to make it competent for assuming state power.

(b) Popularizing and mobilizing the masses in support of a pro-people, progressive, democratic, patriotic, anti-imperialist 'alternate programme'.

(c) Establish the dominance of 'alternate class forces' in politics and society by raising the consciousness and organization of the masses including that of the toiling masses through relentless struggles for their own class-based and other just demands.

(d) To consider as great danger, the dangers of communalism, militant communal forces, fascist tendencies of the state, the attempt to curb democratic rights, heinous attempt to curb any kind of national interest, and play a non compromising, responsible and vanguard role in the struggle against them.

4.2 Before it becomes possible to bring about revolutionary democratic transformation of state-economy society-political power may change hands and many political twists and turns can occur. Every event of this type must be evaluated from the consideration of its possible impact on the question of advancing the work of revolutionary democratic transformation of society, and appropriate tactics and course of action will have to be undertaken accordingly. In the face of such changes, CPB will have to creatively and concretely pursue a tactics and course which ensures its independent and principled position and role and ensures the continuation and speeding up of the advance towards revolutionary democratic transformation.

4.3 CPB calls upon workers, peasants, toiling masses and the entire people of our country to unitedly resist imperialism, plundering capitalists, 'crony capitalism', reactionary vested interest groups, communal fascist armed militant forces, and all forces and trends of communalism and autocracy.

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