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Eleventh Congress of CPI(ML) Red Star Successfully Concluded - updates from CPI (ML) Red Star

by CPI (ML) Red Star, 13 February 2019

 

The 11th Congress of the CPI (ML) Red Star spanning a 6-month long process starting with the branch, local and area level conferences since June leading to district and state-level conferences finally culminated in the successful conclusion with a mass rally and public meeting at Freedom Park in Bengaluru on November 26 followed by the delegate session at Spoortidhama (Bhangar Shahid Mofizil-Alamgir- Hafizul Hall in Bhagat Singh-Ashafaqullah Khan Nagar), near Anjana Nagar from 27 November to 1 December, 2018.

Altogether 304 delegates and observers attended the Congress. Fraternal delegates from within the country representing different revolutionary organisations as well as fraternal delegates from Germany, Netherlands, Turkey, Morocco, Congo, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh participated in the Congress process and communist and ML parties from various countries have sent messages of greetings. Venue of the Congress was named Bhagat Singh-Ashfaqulla Khan Nagar while the delegate hall in the name of Bhangar martyr — comrades Mofizul-Alamgir-Hafizul. The delegate session was preceded by the Opening Session from 9.30am to 01.30pm on 27th November.

The seminar on Imperialism Today along with the release of the book Polemics on New-Imperialism was held from 5 pm to 9 pm on 28th November and the seminar on Approach to Left  Unity in India together with the release of the book on Bhangar Movement from 5 pm to 8 pm on 29th November. Fraternal comrades from abroad and India respectively participated in these two seminars.

Culmination of the Party Congress on December 1 was followed by the International Seminar on Theory of Liberation of Women initiated by the World Women’s Conference from December 2-4 with participants from Asia, Africa and Europe at the same venue.

The delegate session held from the afternoon of November 27 to December 1 adopted the Political Resolution, Political Organisational Report and Amendments to the Constitution after in-depth discussion. The Congress also adopted a number of important resolutions including those pertaining to national and international political situation. The Congress called for  overthrow of the corporate-saffron-fascist Modi regime and for striving to build people’s alternative that rejects the neo-liberal regime, works for democratization of all fields, stands for casteless and genuinely secular polity, and which strive for a people oriented and ecologically sustainable development paradigm based on left’s independent political assertion.

The Congress through secret ballot elected a 33-member Central Committee which elected Comrade KN Ramachandran as the General Secretary and a 3-member Central Control Commission which elected Com. Sabi Joseph as the Chairman. The Central Committee members are: K N Ramachandran, P J James, Sanjay, Pradip Singh, R Manasayya, Alik, Umakant, Sivaram, M K Dasan (Kerala), M P Kunhikanaran (Kerala), Rudrayya (Karnataka), Amir Ali (Karnataka), Kuselar (TN), Doraisamy (TN), Sooryam (AP), Venketeswar Rao (AP), Saidalu (Telengana), Arun Valeskar (Maharashtra), Akshya (AIRSO), D K Rathore (Gujarat), Soura Yadav (Chhattisgarh), Tuhin Dev (RCF), Tejram (AIKKS), Vijay (MP), Urmila (MP), Pramila (Odisha), Sankar (WB), Sharmistha (WB), Vashist (Jharkhand), Baburam (UP), Vimal (Delhi-NCR), Provint (party centre), and Kabeer (party centre). And the Central Control Commission members are: Sabi Joseph (Kerala), Ravi (Telengana) and Tamilselvan (TN).

In his address to the concluding session of the Congress, Com. KN Ramachandran as General Secretary called for the urgent need of building up Bolshevik style Party uncompromisingly fighting both right opportunism and left sectarianism which have done immense damage to the Indian Communist movement, and for building People’s Alternative uniting all struggling forces. n

 

Throw Out Corporate-Saffron Fascist Forces, Strengthen Independent Left Assertion to Lead Peoples ALTERNATIVE!

Inaugural Speech of Com KN Ramachandran, General Secretary of CPI (ML) Red Star at the Inaugural Session of 11th Party Congress at Bengaluru on 27th November 2018

Red Salute to fraternal delegates from abroad as well as India, red salute to all the delegates, observers and our friends who are attending this inaugural session of our 11th Party Congress.

Comrades, we have reached this 11th Congress of CPIM-Red Star, after long period of struggle, achievements, setbacks, again achievements, and advances. So it is a long history which we have traversed.  In our country we’ve got a century of communist history, a century of struggles organizing the toiling masses in the country. Like the history of the communist parties all over the world, in our country also the communist movement had its own periods of  right deviations, left deviations , so many deviations, at the same time so many glorious struggles also. So, there were many struggles of the people which was we have spearheaded.

The reorganization of the movement through Naxalbari uprising fighting against the right deviation long embedded in the movement was a very important turning point in our history. Naxalbari uprising created an upheaval, an upsurge all over the country and millions got mobilized in the revolutionary movement.

But as you all know, within a short period, within a period of 5 years, we suffered a very big debacle and our movement got splintered. And the struggle from the 1971-72 onwards was a very difficult one for the communist revolutionaries for reorganizing the movement, for building a Bolshevik style communist party.

By the end of 1970s the ideological struggles became very sharp and in analyzing the international situation, in analyzing the changes taking place in our country there were basic differences. We had to start our own method of reorganization. So from 1979 when we started the CRC-CPIML there was bitter struggle to bring the communist revolutionaries together based on an ideological political line. In the process of this struggle, we could bring many sections of the CRs in to the party. By this time in CPIML-Red Star we have brought together many sections of CRs from different regions in to the party and we have become an all India organization now.

And as the international situation is concerned when we raise the slogan “workers of the world and oppressed peoples unite” it is an immediate task before the communists to develop unity of the CRs all over the world, at least to build a platform of the CR forces. We are proud that today fraternal delegates from abroad are with us and we have succeeded in building a platform, however small it may be, the ICOR.  During last one decade after its formation, ICOR it has achieved many gains all over the world. ICOR could come in to existence in the process of a struggle, the struggle against the wrong tendencies within the international communist movement.  After the death of Mao Tsetung, we had to take a correct position; we had to develop the understanding about imperialism today. By taking ideological positions on all important questions, a situation was created that a platform like ICOR can be built and we have succeeded to a certain extent in that direction.

And as far as the building of the communist movement in our country is concerned, in uniting the CR forces in our country is concerned, we had to start by making a concrete analysis of the new situation, the transformation taking place in our country under the neo-colonial offensive. The Tenth Congress of our party held at Lucknow in 2015 had evaluated all these experience and we had made very important decisions to go forward. As we had pointed out at that time, during the last few years ultra-rightist forces, the Modi regime has made corporate raj and saffron fascism, a very immediate danger before the people. So naturally, in this Party Congress we have to take many important decisions, how to analyze the present situation which has come forward as a result of the ascendance of the ultra-rightist forces and how to fight it and how to create a peoples alternative led by the communist forces in our country. This is a first and foremost agenda before all the political forces in our country how to defeat BJP. How to defeat Modi rule,  is a slogan Indian people has taken up. We also have take up the slogan, Modi rule has to kicked out, no doubt about that. But while raising this question, something like a one-sided approach is taken by many forces. They are not ready to analyze how Modi like forces could come to power or how could ultra-right forces come to the world scene. This is a very important question that we have to make an analysis. What are the historical developments internationally and within our country leading to the ascendance to power of the ultra-right forces? Without such an analysis whatever decisions we make will become one-sided and partial. So one important task in front of the 11th Party Congress through the Political Resolution we are going to discuss is the new situation and the challenges we are going to take up so that the independent communist assertion can be carried forward and strengthened, so that a peoples alternative can be realized in the country defeating all the ruling class forces.

At the same time, on our political organizational experience during the last 3 years also an evaluation is very essential because without properly analyzing what we could achieve within the last 3-4 years and carrying them forward, we shall not be able to build a powerful communist party in the country. As we know last year, all over the world and in our country communist forces have observed the 100 years of October revolution and we have pledged that we shall take lessons from the experience of the October revolution. One of the most important lesson we should take from the experience of the October Revolution is that only by building Bolshevik party, defeating the Mensheviks and Narodniks, Lenin could lead the Russian revolution to victory and build Soviet Union and create Communist International. This is the experience of the Chinese revolution also. Under the leadership of Mao Tsetung, they had to struggle against the right deviation and left deviation and build a powerful communist party which could lead Chinese revolution to victory.

So in our country which has got a very complex character with 135 crore population with so many nationalities, languages, culture and in such a situation without building a powerful communist party in this country uniting all these people, we shall not be able to lead a revolution. For achieving this we have to uncompromisingly struggle against the weaknesses and deviations of the past as well as the present, right reformist line as well as the left adventurist line. Only by uncompromisingly struggling against these lines & deviations, we can build a powerful communist party which can lead democratic revolution in our country. By understanding the importance of this task, on the one hand we have taken up a study on imperialism today and we are continuously developing our understanding about imperialism, its various manifestations, how it is suppressing people all over the world and in our country. Along with that we have taken up studies of ecological destruction created by imperialism today and we have developed our theoretical understanding as well as many struggles all over the country to develop a new development paradigm fighting against the imperialist mode of development. And side by side we have taken up caste annihilation movement in our country which is divided by numerous castes and sub castes. Without fighting against the caste system, the Manuvad, Brahmanical thought, and developing a new understanding about a casteless society, a secular society we will not be able to go forward. While taking up the struggles of the working class, peasantry and all other oppressed classes and sections it is very important we have to take lessons from the Cultural Revolution, the core of which was given by Lenin and which was taken up by Mao in Chinese conditions in 1960s but which could not be carried forward. We have to take lessons from these things and we have to carry forward the necessity of launching a cultural revolution in our country according to our concrete conditions.

It is in this context in the last Party Congress we had adopted a very important resolution - a resolution on theoretical offensive, Actually though we tried our level best we could not advance much on that line during last 3 years and we have to understand the importance of such a resolution and take up the theoretical offensive so that changing the thinking, fighting against the imperialist and feudal and other decadent thinking, we have to create a culture, and the struggle for a new culture has to be combined with the struggle for democratic revolution.

So comrades, during the last 3 years definitely we have made many achievements and we have launched many struggles in all fields especially the most important struggle, the Bhangar struggle in West Bengal which has actually created a new history in the people’s resistance movement in our country. And today we have taken up the task how to develop Bhangar like movements all over the country according to the concrete situations in the different regions and how to build up mass political platform uniting all these struggles all over the country along with the struggling left forces. This is a major struggle we have taken up. So this Party Congress has got this challenge before it. We have to carry forward our tasks so that this objective can be achieved and we can contribute more on the international field also to develop and strengthen ICOR in different aspects.

At the same time we have to self critically see our weaknesses, how to overcome the weaknesses One important aspect of overcoming these weaknesses is by taking lessons from the past we have to learn more lessons about developing democracy within our party, democracy within the communist movement and how to develop a communist party with complete democracy within it. When the concrete situation is changing very fast day by day, and when numerous struggles are coming up in every part of the country, its reflection will be felt in the party also. The inner party struggles may become serious also; but the success of the communist party is how we are capable of taking up this inner party struggle democratically forward so that we can really build up a Bolshevik style communist party.

So comrades, it is a very important and challenging task in front of us and I hope that the 5 days of discussions in the Party Congress and the resolution of this discussions in this party congress, will lead us to march forward to achieving this task of building the Bolshevik style communist party which can take up the present challenge of throwing out the Modi regime as well as building the party and the struggles towards the people’s democratic revolution. I hope that all the comrades, delegates and observers who are going to attend this Party Congress shall take up this important task with all the seriousness it requires and make it a success. With these words I inaugurate the 11th Congress of the Party.

Red Salute to all comrades ! n

 

Strive Hard to Build Powerful Communist Party Capable to Lead People's Movements

Concluding Speech of Com KN Ramachandran, General Secretary of CPI(ML) Red Star Elected by the New Central Committee of 11th Party Congress on 1st December 2018

Dear Comrades, I thank the new Central Committee for re-electing me as General Secretary of our party. I wanted to get relieved and new comrades taking over the responsibilities. But the Central Committee members decided that I should continue for some more time. Every communist, should continue to be an activist for life long. But to continue as General Secretary is something different. I had to accept the request of the Central Committee for the time being, and I shall strive to continue as General Secretary for some more time.

We have successfully concluded our 11th Party Congress at an important juncture at International level and in our country, when the oppressed peoples all over the world and in our country are facing great challenges.Compared to the great height it had reached during 1950s, today the Communist Movement has suffered severe setbacks and all over the world it is facing the challenge of throwing out imperialist system and its lackeys everywhere and to usher in Peoples Alternative.

Recently in Brazil, after 15 years of social democratic rule, the ultra-rightist-fascist rule has come to power. Not only in Brazil, but all over the world and in our country, in the absence of  an alternative by revolutionary forces, in the absence of revolutionary forces inspiring people with an alternative, rightist and ultra-rightist have come to power. So, when we have concluded our 11th Party Congress and are going back to our areas of work, the challenge we are facing is: are we prepared to throw up an alternative to the reactionary ruling system in our country, and to the imperialist system all over the world? 

This challenge we can take up only when we consciously build up the communist movement everywhere.  The problem we are facing is, as repeatedly asserted by the communist teachers, without a communist party capable of leading the people forward there will be no revolution. So our main and fundamental task is to strive hard immediately to build a powerful communist party in our country.  Today, many are talking about many centers, only about alliances; they are not for building one communist party in a country, they think about many centers. We have to defeat such alien thoughts and strive to build a powerful communist party capable of leading revolution of the people of the country to victory.

Many of these forces are talking about many centers and united fronts, they are talking about bilateral talks for united fronts, they are not thinking about coming together, settling the problems and uniting to build a powerful communist party to lead the revolution. So, our important task is to focus on  uniting the communist revolutionaries, developing communist carders and building a powerful communist party which is capable of completing democratic revolution and advancing to socialist revolution in our country.

Along with this, I want to stress on an important point in this occasion; our state committees have immense responsibilities before them. As we all know, India is a multi-national country, and the state committees represent mostly these various nationalities and without building the state committees effectively, we will not be able to lead the revolution in the country. When we have many different languages of various nationalities, unless all the state committees concentrate on giving political materials to their cadres and in politicizing their cadres in their own languages, we will not be able to recruit larger number of comrades from the downtrodden sections and to build up a powerful communist party. The questing is to build a communist party at all India level which is integrally linked with the immediate task of developing state committees functioning in all the states.

And, in our last Party Congress at Lucknow, we had decided to take up the theoretical offensive at all levels. This theoretical offensive includes the evaluation of the experience of international and national communist movement of past decades including the experience of the hitherto socialist perspective which was practiced. These tasks should be taken up more vigorously and carried forward, because without evaluating the past, its merits and demerits, we will not be able to develop our line according to the present concrete condition. And, this task should be taken up by the new Central Committee effectively.

Comrades, along with this, I want to stress that, we are facing Corporate Raj and Saffron Fascism; we are involved in the struggles to over throw Corporate Raj and Saffron Fascism. We can carry forward these tasks only when we develop the strategy and tactical line to utilize all forms of struggles. While we develop parliamentary forms of struggle to defeat Modi rule, we have to intensify our primary task of developing non-parliamentary struggles, the peoples movements. Now, many people are spreading the propaganda that there is pessimistic atmosphere and there is no future. But comrades, it is not such situation in our country and all over the world. Today, peoples’ movements are strengthening against price rise and for other people’s demands in France. Mighty peoples movements are taking place in many countries of the world. And in our country also, the struggles of oppressed masses, oppressed classes and castes are taking place and are going to intensify in coming days. So it is not an atmosphere of frustration. It is something like a 1970s situation. In 1970s, after the great Naxelbari Upraising and peoples movements all over the country, because of our sectarian line and because of the state repression, we suffered severe setbacks. And, when in 1971 when Indira Gandhi came again to power with mighty margin, there was rumou that Indira government will be in the power for long time. But, within a short time, many peoples’ movement broke out in Gujarat, Bihar and many other states. What happened later we know.

So, the question is of understanding the new situation, taking proper action in the changing fast situation, because people want to change the situation. And, when we come to current situation, there are large number of peoples’ upsurges developing against corporate raj and saffron fascism. We need to correctly analyze this situation to lead the people’s movements.

But without carrying forward powerful communist party building, we shall not be able to lead peoples’ movements and to lead people forward to revolution. I am not mechanically comparing the situations of 1970s to today’s situation. But, against the present neo-liberal corporate raj and saffron fascist rule, peoples’ upsurges are taking place and it is going to be more powerful in coming days. So, the task before us is to take up powerful communist party building capable of taking up the present challenges,  to lead people’s upsurges and to consciously lead them towards capture of political power, towards  completing people’s democratic revolution.

So, Comrades, let us depart from this Party Congress hall with the determination that we shall overcome our weaknesses, we shall face the challenges raised by the ultra-right forces of ruling system, and we shall take up the challenge of building the party and leading the peoples upsurges. Let us strive hard to take up these challenges in the coming days! Red Salute to all Comrades ! n

 

Oppose Economic Reservation Quota Bill; Give Memorandum to President Demanding Not to Sign This Bill Which Goes Against the Spirit of the Constitution.

The Reservations were intended to mitigate the wrongs of caste system, which suppressed the dalits and other oppressed sections for millenniums. If reservations is given to higher castes in the name of economic backwardness it makes the whole exercise meaningless

The haste and the manner in which the Economic Reservation Quota Bill was moved and the overwhelming support it got in Lok Sabha and then in the Rajya Sabha exposes the extent of saffronisation of the parliamentary parties in India. In a context in which the upper and forward castes are already more than proportionately represented in govt and public sector jobs and where the entire administrative machinery along with the police, military, judiciary and the private sector are under the firm grip of the Brahmanical castes, economic quota for forward castes is a further direct political attack on the oppressed castes and it undermines the very Constitutional basis of caste reservation in India.

Therefore, it is high time on the part of all democratic and progressive forces to uphold caste annihilation perspective and to take serious note of the qualitative dimension of this saffron initiative in undermining caste-based reservation itself. We appeal to all progressive forces to  rise up to the occasion for effectively resisting and defeating this.

 It is a shame that this economic reservation bill is passed by the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha hastily and the only legal way left before ua is to submit memorandum in all states to the President demanding that this Bill which goes against the spirit of the Constitution should not be signed.

Along with this we should strive to unite all progressive forces and to demonstrate in the streets in as many places as possible against this heinous move by the Modi government supported by all opportunist opposition parties ranging from Congress to BSP to CPI(M)>

Organize effective social media campaign also in support of our demand.

Comradely, KNR, GS, CPI(ML) Red Star.

 

200 Million Workers and Oppressed masses Make 8-9 January General Strike Great Success!

The two day general strike on 8-9 january called by the central trade unions became a great success across the country with the strike becoming a bandh in amany many areas. Thousands participated n many centers demanding the cancellation of all anti worker bills of Modi government, an end to contract labour system, permanent jobs for all and democratic rights. The successful strike was a big blow against the Modi government just four months before the Lok Sabha elections. We salute the toing masses who made the strike such a success.

In a statement the CPI(ML) Red Star said: Red Salute to the many hundreds of women and men comrades of Bhubaneswar from the Party, TUCI, Basthi Suraksha manch, AIRWO and other mass organizations who were arrested today after they successfully led the two day all India strike with revolutionary slogans. Tens of millions of toilers all over India made the strike historical. Lal Salam to all struggling comrades who braved all difficulties and made the strike a great victory.

Com. Sivaram, the Odisha state secretary has added:

All arrested comrades were industrial workers. All from Parle G Lingraj Biscuits Workers Union and some from Anmol Biscuits, many from different industries permanent and temporary workers.   1st day around 500 worker participated. 2nd day more than 500 participated with full vigour. All workers from local villages, staying in labour colonies and staying in rented houses. These workers not from slum. By picketing we closed 47 industries. Gate protest done before all companies. With militant protest all workers (men and women) arrested. Taken to reserve battalion, detained there, and left in the evening with PR bond. This movement continued full 2 days in Chandaka industrial area. This is a significant development for us. Really class forces joined us, we have started struggle uncompromisingly. Since 2007 we are trying, slowly we are getting result. Good possibilities to win over thousands of workers. This 2days programme and our serious struggle took our organization to a new height. Now in Odisha no one can ignore us in trade union movement. Now TUCI is well known at Odisha. In minimum wages increase struggle we played a significant role. Now our movement continuing to implement govt fixed minimum wages in all industries and institutions. Our slogan YOU HAVE TO GIVE MINIMUM WAGES, OTHERWISE CLOSE IT. So many workers are attracting towards us. Our uncompromising struggle line create enthusiasm among our worker cadres. We got a small good team in trade union movement. If we will stress and take proper care, then a good possibility will emerge.

Our Basti Surakshya Mancha, AIRWO activists were involved in National Highway blockade at 2 main centres different from Workers struggle area I.e industrial estate is 12 km from NH. Here also because of our timely intervention we got highest publicity in the state. We started road blockade sharp 6am. All media reached us continued live. Even up to 10.30 only we are in highlight. 2nd day also only we took NH blockade.

Many intellectuals and progressive forces started talking we are growing with uncompromising attitude in workers struggle with class struggle perspective.

Com. Manasayya, the PB member from Karnataka has issued a statement congratulating the workers of North Karnataka for coming out in thousands and making the general strike a great success, taking the leadership in most of the industrial centers in North Karnataka.

The success of the general strike and the important role played in it by TUCI like forces show that with the new year dawning the people are coming forward in larger numbers against the ultra rightist, neo-fascist forces in India also as is happening in Europe and other continents.

 

Significance of Strengthening Independent Left Assertion

Unseating of BJP in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh, increasing attacks on its economic policies from all sides, especially from the distressed peasantry and unemployed youth, and the opposition moves to form state-specific unity as seen in UP against it have extremely embarrassed the Modi-Shah combine.  So, they are recklessly intensifying saffronization of the election campaign on the one hand, and de-politicizing it on the other by diverting focus of the campaign from all cardinal socio-economic-political issues. Utilizing enormous funds amassed through nefarious means, and the modern technological possibilities, dirtiest possible campaign is started as the latest speeches of both reveal. This no-holds-barred Modi campaign is firmly led by RSS. So, as repeatedly pointed out by us, defeat BJP has become the central slogan today.

But, day by day it is becoming clear that the opposition parties, refusing to put forward even a reformist alternative program, are pursing soft Hindutva policies to combat BJP, along with reiterating their loyalty to the neo-liberal/corporate policies. They had no hesitation to vote for the 10% economic reservation move of Modi with an eye on vote banks. In spite of the fact that it was the initiation of neo-liberal policies and degeneration of the ruling system under Congress rule which led to coming to power of BJP, the whole spectrum of ruling class parties and the social democrats are not prepared to make any changes in their policies. Even when the possibilities for unseating Modi rule in coming elections are increasing day by day, that the opposition have no alternative to project is a grave challenge before the people. Beginning from Congress, each of them are making frantic, self-centered moves to net maximum seats possible utilizing the anti-Modi atmosphere.

It is in this context, the 11th Congress of CPI(ML) Red Star has called for a resolute ideological-political campaign against the reactionary ruling system, against corporate-saffron fascism using all available means.  With this perspective, it is striving for discussions with all revolutionary, left and democratic forces and other struggling forces for a national coordination based on a common manifesto to resist and defeat the corporate-communal fascist threat. To facilitate this, while fielding as many candidates as possible in areas where we have mass base, all state committees of the Party have taken up the task of building struggle-based Mass Political Platforms according to the objective situation prevailing at the state level, to inspire and enthuse the struggling masses. Our aim is to develop a Political Alternative at the national level. This political line of our Party calls for resisting corporate- saffron fascist forces with the perspective of building people’s alternative; it calls for strengthening independent left assertion which shall provide powerful boost to throw out the Modi rule on the one hand, and to lead the people towards an alternative path of development and democratization.

 

 

 

Observe Centenary of Formation of  Communist International

CPI(ML) Red Star calls for observing the Centenary of the Communist International formation on 2nd March. The Marxist-Leninist world outlook demands energetic efforts for evaluation of its 24 years’ experience till its dissolution in 1943 and earnest efforts for its rebuilding according to present concrete conditions. This is a cardinal task before the revolutionary forces today. For, if the opportunism of the old brand of social democrats during the Second International led to its liquidation, after the dissolution of the Communist International in 1943, the present day social democrats are also indulging in all heinous efforts, not only to spread their revisionist gospels, but also to scuttle all efforts for the rebuilding the Communist International. Along with them, there are various hues of pseudo- Marxist forces who are propagating against the CI and its rebuilding by vulgarizing its history and contributions. The revisionists as well as the left sectarians are going against the basic tenets of proletarian internationalism.

Presently, when internationalization of production and finance capital is taking place at maddening pace, when the efforts of the bourgeoisie to rebuild the world in its own image are intensifying day by day, the significance of rebuilding the Communist International ideologically, politically and organizationally according to present conditions has become one of the cardinal tasks before the Marxist-Leninists forces.

So, let us observe the Centenary of its formation intensifying efforts for its re-organization. It does not mean creating a copy or replica of the CI formed in 1919. Firstly, it should be rebuilt according to present concrete situation, taking in to consideration the vast changes that have taken place in the objective conditions during the last century, especially after the dissolution of the CI. Secondly, it should be rebuilt based on a thorough evaluation of the experience of the CI during the 24 years of its existence. Thirdly, it should be taken up as a process involving ever increasing number of the Marxist-Leninist parties and Organizations and through continuous deliberations among them. It is based on these concepts the International Coordination of the Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR)  is constituted as an initial step towards rebuilding the CI. The whole process calls for serious discussions among its constituents as well as among all other revolutionary organizations which have not become part of this process still.

Let us observe the Centenary of the formation of the Communist InternationaI with this perspective upholding the spirit of proletarian internationalism. n

 

Uphold Proletarian Internationalism; Intensify Efforts to Rebuild Communist International - KN Ramachandran

 

The 2nd March, 2019, marks the centenary of the Communist International (CI) launched under the leadership of Lenin a hundred years ago with the slogan Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World Unite. Presently when the imperialists of all hues and their lackeys are intensifying their neo-colonial/neo-liberal attacks on all classes and sections of toiling masses all over the world through counter revolutionary ultra rightist, neo-fascist offensive, the importance of the slogan Workers and All Oppressed Peoples of the World Unite has increased manifold. Of course, the vast spectrum of all left, who wave the red flag, ranging from the social democrats on the one hand to the left adventurists and anarchists on the other, shall also be observing this centenary of the CI. But, with their opportunist interpretations, almost all of them have in practice abandoned the significance of rebuilding the CI according to present concrete conditions. This is yet another cardinal point on which the Communist Revolutionary (CR) forces basically differ from them.

 The CR forces like the CPI (ML) Red Star uncompromisingly uphold the historic significance of the slogan raised by Marx and Engels in Communist Manifesto: Workers of the World Unite against the international system of capitalism. They continuously strive to learn lessons from the experience of the First, Second and Third (Communist) Internationals and to rebuild it according to the conditions and needs of the present situation. The experience of the CPI (ML) Red Star during the last four decades, started with issuing the joint statement of six revolutionary organizations in 1979 upholding Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and denouncing the usurpation of power by the capitalist roaders in China immediately after the death of Mao. Then we struggled against the erroneous concepts put forward by the RCP (USA) while building the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) and dissociated from it because of them. Following it, after   becoming a constituent of the broad platform of International Conference of Marxist Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), we   proceeded to play an important role in the formation of the International Coordination of the Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR) in 2011 along with the MLPD (Germany) and other revolutionary forces.

For us in the CPI (ML) Red Star, observing the Centenary of the CI is not a ritual or mere academic exercise, but an organic process. It entails taking lessons from the experiences of the First and Second Internationals, from the collapse of the Second International, from the founding of the CI, its experience till its dissolution in 1943, the experience of the Cominform, the repeated efforts by the revisionists of all hues to defame proletarian internationalism in practice which has influenced the large number of social democratic forces whose concept of proletarian internationalism is limited to occasional international conferences for issuing joint statements devoid of any practice, the struggle against the erroneous concepts that emerged in the Communist Party of China against rebuilding the CI which has influenced vast sections of the Marxist-Leninist forces that emerged in the 1960s, and our four decades long struggles which have reached the phase of building ICOR as a step towards the rebuilding of the CI. So, for the struggling communist forces, the observation of the Centenary of CI is an opportunity for intensifying the campaign for rebuilding the CI according to present conditions and challenges.

II

The capitalist system had emerged and strengthened as an international exploitative system by the time of 18th century. As the newly emerged working class was reduced to wage slavery, they were forced to wage numerous struggles. Initially utopian socialist and anarchist streams of thoughts were dominating them. It was by challenging them, the theory of scientific socialism, of class struggle, and the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat were put forward. By that time, as pointed out in the beginning of the Communist Manifesto, all the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies joined hands against the spectre haunting Europe — the spectre of Communism. The Manifesto concluded with the declaration: “The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!”

In order to put this call in to practice, the Communist League, an international association of workers  was formed which commissioned Marx and Engels, at the Congress held in London in November 1847, to draw up for publication a detailed theoretical and practical program of the Party. Such was the origin of the Communist Manifesto.  The International Workingmen’s Association (IWA), often called the First International (1864–1876), was formed based on the orientation provided by the Manifesto as an international organization which aimed at uniting a variety of different left-wing socialist, communist and anarchist groups and trade unions that were based on the working class and class struggle. It was founded in 1864 in a workmen’s meeting held in St. Martin’s Hall, London. Its First Congress was held in 1866 in Geneva.

Marx agreed to outline the purpose of the organization. The General Rules of the International Workingmen’s Association was published in October 1864. Marx’s introduction pointed out what they hoped to achieve: “That the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves, that the struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class rule... That the emancipation of labour is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists, and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and theoretical, of the most advanced countries.” 

Marx pointed out: “The International was founded in order to replace the socialist and semi-socialist sects with a genuine organization of the working class for its struggle..” Along with many revolutionary movements which broke out in Europe, the Franco-German war led to the uprising in March 1871and to the Paris Commune. In spite of its great contributions to create a new form of society, the Commune was suppressed by the joint might of the bourgeoisie.

But the anarchists and the opportunists were not ready to take lessons from this experience. At the Hague congress a report was presented advocating the stand of anarchists and trying to establish a secret society within the IWMA. Marx wrote in 1874 that “in England the International is for the time being as good as dead”. However, it was not until 1876 that the IWMA was officially dissolved. After this it became known as the First International.

III

Not disheartened with the dissolution of the First International, efforts were continuing for its rebuilding. The Second International (1889–1916) (SI), as an organization of socialist and labour parties was formed in Paris on 14 July 1889. At the Paris meeting, delegations from twenty countries participated. The International continued the work of the dissolved First International. It was during the Second International the 1889 declaration of 1 May (May Day) as International Workers’ Day and its 1910 declaration of the International Women’s Day, first celebrated on 19 March and then on 8 March after the main day of the women’s marches in 1917 during the Russian Revolution.

During this period the capitalist system had transformed to monopoly capitalism, imperialism, on the evaluation of which sharp differences emerged among the constituents. The imperialist powers had, in the main, completed the territorial division of the countries under colonial domination and the new contradiction for the re-division of the world among them went on intensifying. As the focus of plunder shifted from against the working class of their own countries to the natural resources and labour of the colonized countries, the imperialists by sharing a small part of this loot, could win over increasing sections of labour aristocracy to pacifist positions.

Lenin explained the significance of the period represented by the SI as follows: “The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism. The SI marked a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of the movement in a number of countries.” The Congresses of the SI in 1891 and 1896 carried resolutions against war and armaments. The Resolution of the Zurich Congress of 1893 called on all socialist parliamentary representatives to vote against war credits, and adopted the demand for disarmament. The Paris Congress in 1900 adopted a Resolution, moved by Rosa Luxemburg, against militarism and colonialism, which exposed the roots of these and of War in capitalist imperialist period, and set concrete tasks for the fight; First, to vote against all military and naval estimates, or colonial expenditure; second, to train the youth in anti-militarism; third, for simultaneous demonstrations in all countries in the event of an international crisis developing.

At the Stuttgart Congress of 1907 the question of war dominated all issues. Its Resolution urged: “If a war threatens to break out, it is the duty of the working class and of its parliamentary representatives in the countries involved to exert every effort to prevent the outbreak of war, using all appropriate means, which naturally vary and rise according to the degree of sharpening of the class struggle and of the general political agitation. Should war nonetheless break out, it is their duty to intervene to bring it promptly to an end, and to strive with all their energies to utilize the economic and political crisis brought about by the war in order to stir up politically the masses of the people and hasten the downfall of capitalist class rule.” The Resolution was carried unanimously.

At Basle Congress in 1912 a manifesto was adopted, which emphasized the revolutionary meaning of these decisions. But when the imperialist war actually broke out in August 1914, the parties of the SI voted with their respective imperialist governments for conducting the war. Only the Bolshevik Party in Russia led by Lenin, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg in Germany and a few others voted against war. Though the struggle continued in the Zimmerwald Conference of 1915 and in the conference at Kienthal of 1916 against the opportunist trend under the leadership of Lenin, the liquidation of the SI could not be prevented. The struggle waged by Lenin against the liquidationists is explained in detail in the two articles given as appendix in this booklet.

IV

In 1916 “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism” was published in which Lenin scientifically explained the transformation of capitalism to imperialism, the class analysis and nature of contradictions in the new era, and the shifting of the centre of revolution to the ‘weak links of imperialism like Russia’. Based on these, Lenin developed the strategy and tactics of revolution in Russia, developed the Bolshevik Party capable of leading this revolution by struggling against the Mensheviks and Narodniks, and led the October Revolution to victory. Soon the Soviet Union was formed and the socialist transformation was launched.  As the imperialist powers were alarmed by these developments, they ended the First World War, and jointly tried to destroy the first socialist country. In the middle of all these crucial developments, recognizing the significance of reorganizing the SI assimilating the developments following its liquidation by the opportunist forces, Lenin spent precious time to launch the Third (Communist) International (Comintern) with its First Congress starting from 2nd March, 1919.

Lenin’s preliminary draft thesis contained the essential guidelines for developing an integrated theory, strategy and tactics of socialist revolution in the imperialist countries and democratic revolution in the colonies, semi-colonies and dependent countries. He pointed out (1) clear distinction between reformist and revolutionary tendencies in the national liberation movement, fighting the former; (2) adapting the Soviet idea to the specific conditions of the democratic revolution in these countries, and (3) indicating how this revolution can pass over to socialist revolution avoiding the capitalist stage.

The significance of the Second Congress in 1920 was that it worked out the political line of the World Communist Movement in the struggle against imperialism according to the then concrete conditions when revolution looked possible in Germany and few other countries. It gave guidelines for establishing a lasting alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry and the national liberation movement of the oppressed peoples, closed the door of the Comintern to opportunists, mapped out ways for rectifying leftist errors in the communist movement and set the task of strengthening the communist parties ideologically and organizationally, strengthening their ties with the masses. With the Second Congress adopting the 21 ‘conditions’ and the statutes, the Comintern assumed its organizational shape as ‘united world party of the international proletariat’.

As far as the perspective put forward by Lenin is concerned, the primary task was to advance towards World proletarian Socialist Revolution’ with Soviet Union (SU) serving as its base. Building socialism in SU should serve this international task. With this spirit the building of communist and workers parties was taken up with urgency all over the world. Besides Marxist-Leninist literature was made available in most of the languages. International forums of the workers, women, youth etc were launched. Students from most of the countries were given opportunity to take up studies in SU and learn from the Soviet experience. On the whole, Comintern served as the anti-imperialist centre for the world people.

During these post-War years, the crisis faced by the imperialist system went on intensifying. It took a dangerous turn by the 1930s with the finance capital reaching a period of Great Depression. Coupled with the inter-imperialist contradiction for re-division of the colonies, it led to the emergence of ultra rightist, fascist forces to power in a number of countries led by Nazi Germany. In his speech to 7th Congress, CI’s general secretary Dimitrov explained: “Comrades, as early as the Sixth Congress [1928], the Communist International warned the world proletariat that a new fascist offensive was under way and called for a struggle against it. With the general crisis of capitalism becoming sharply accentuated, the ruling bourgeoisie more and more sought salvation in fascism, with the object of taking exceptional predatory measures against the working people, preparing for an imperialist war of plunder, attacking the Soviet Union, and by all these means preventing revolution”.

Fascism in power was defined as: “the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital”. His Report added: “But whatever the masks that fascism adopts, whatever the forms in which it presents itself, whatever the ways by which it comes to power

   l         Fascism is a most ferocious attack by capital on the mass of the working people;

   l         Fascism is unbridled chauvinism and predatory war;

   l         Fascism is rabid reaction and counter-revolution;

   l         Fascism is the most vicious enemy of the working class and of all working people”.

In order to combat this increasing danger, the Report called for: “...striving to establish the widest united front with the aid of joint action by workers’ organizations of different trends for the defense of the vital interests of the labouring masses. This means:

   l         First, joint struggle really to shift the burden of the consequences of the crisis onto the shoulders of the ruling classes, the shoulders of the capitalists and landlords — in a word, onto the shoulders of the rich.

   l         Second, joint struggle against all forms of the fascist offensive, in defense of the gains and the rights of the working people, against the abolition of bourgeois-democratic liberties.

   l         Third, joint struggle against the approaching danger of an imperialist war, a struggle that will make the preparation of such a war more difficult.

We must tirelessly prepare the working class for a rapid change in forms and methods of struggle when there is a change in the situation”

In spite of this, in the main, correct tactical line put forward, including the call for independent communist assertion, as the fascist offensive led by Nazis aggravated to open attack on the SU, the Comintern changed its stand. It analyzed that the anti-imperialist, anti-war stand should be changed to the line of people’s War against the fascist axis powers. The SU put forward ‘defense of the fatherland’ as the strategic slogan. All united front tactics were changed accordingly. Though the SU could be saved and crushing defeat could be inflicted on the fascist forces, how far the tactics adopted during the War and in the years following the War, as well as the dissolution of the CI in 1943 helped the advance of the forces of revolution at a time when the US led imperialist camp was launching  an all out offensive to impose its hegemony in all fields calls for serious evaluation.

When the Second Congress of the Comintern took the decision to build it as a ‘united world party of the international proletariat’, the CPSU was the only leading party and the possibility for revolution breaking out in a number of countries had looked imminent. But soon the international scene had changed with the imperialists re-establishing their dominance. Along with this, in the following decades many communist parties emerged which were leading the revolutionary struggles in their country. They were developing their tactical line according to conditions in their country.  As pointed out in the Statement dissolving the Comintern in 1943 itself:”The Seventh Congress of the Communist International held in 1935, taking into consideration the changes which had come to pass in the international situation as well as in the labour movement, changes which demanded greater flexibility and independence for its sections in solving the problems facing them , then emphasized the need for the E.C.C.I., when deciding upon all problems of the labour movement, “to proceed from the concrete situation and specific conditions obtaining in each particular country and as a rule avoid direct intervention in internal organizational matters of the Communist Parties.”

According to this 1943 Statement: “Proceeding from the above-stated considerations, and taking into account the growth and political maturity of the Communist Parties and their leading cadres in individual countries, and also in view of the fact that during the present war a number of sections have raised the question of dissolution of the Communist International”, after seeking opinion of the presidium members, the ECCI decided to dissolve the Comintern in June, 1943.

As pointed out in the beginning, in spite of so many pressing problems soon after the October Revolution, the CPSU under Lenin’s leadership took urgent steps by 1919 to launch the Third (Communist) International, convening its First Congress. Its Second Congress was convened which took significant decisions when possibilities for revolutionary upsurges were visible in number of countries. Even when these possibilities subsided soon and the imperialist forces once again started taking aggressive positions, the 3rd and 4th Congresses were convened in 1921 and 1922 and Lenin played active role in developing the Colonial Thesis. Though Lenin could not attend, he had prepared the ground work for the 5th Congress in 1924 also. But after Lenin’s death, the 6th Congress was convened only in 1928, and the function of the Comintern was mostly carried out by the ECCI. The 7th Congress was convened only in 1935 and the CI was dissolved in 1943. It shows that during Stalin’s period adequate regular attention was not given to analyze the unfolding situation and to amend the structure of Comintern according to the new situation. Besides, though constant discussions among the leaders of the communist parties were required to develop the strategy and tactics to be followed in the fast changing new situation, it did not take place. So, the form and content of the Comintern could not be developed according to the needs of the fast changing world situation, The differences in the approach to various problems went on increasing, creating a situation when the CI had to be dissolved. Communist parties should learn from this.

V

In the very year in which the CI was dissolved, the US imperialists convened the Brettenwood Conference and decided to launch the IMF and World Bank in preparation for the neo-colonial offensive it had started planning. By 1945 while nuking Hiroshima and Nagasaki on the other hand, the UN was launched, along with the Human Rights Declaration on the other. The post- WW 2 years saw the US-led imperialist camp initiating the ‘decolonization’, replacing colonization with more pernicious neo-colonization. The imperialist plan was to fight the mighty socialist offensive through an admixture of counter-revolutionary and reformist measures.

 In order to defend and expand the socialist gains, a revolutionary offensive was called for. The rebuilding of the CI according to the needs of the post-War situation was an important step needed. Launching of the Cominform in 1947, launching of the World Peace Movement against US led aggressions, struggle against revisionist stand of Yugoslav leadership, resisting US led aggression in North Korea etc were positive steps taken in these years by the socialist camp against the imperialist offensive. But a theoretical offensive was needed analyzing the transformation taking place in the content and strategy of imperialist system, about its post-War plans and by putting forward the socialist alternative against the counter revolutionary offensive of the imperialist camp. Concrete steps were needed to go beyond Cominform for rebuilding the CI according to new situation.

But, instead of taking up this challenge, the post-Stalin leadership in SU, based on basically erroneous evaluation that the imperialist camp has become weaker and a ‘peaceful transition is possible to socialism’, embraced class-collaborationist line, betraying the ICM. Even the Cominform was abandoned. The meetings of the communist and workers parties in 1957 and 1960 could not yield any positive results, except postponing an inevitable split. As a result of all these, from the great heights it had reached in early 1950s, within a few years the ICM fell to total disarray, with most of the communist parties formed during the Comintern period tailing behind the Soviet revisionist line put forward by Krushchov.

It was at this time, in continuation to the struggle waged during the 1957 and 1960 Moscow conferences, in 1963 the CPC came out with the Great Debate  documents, putting forward the General Line of the ICM based on the concrete analysis of the contemporary situation and out rightly rejecting the Soviet revisionist line.  It was supported by PLA of Albania like parties and the Marxist-Leninist forces emerging in large number of countries in the 1960s. The CPC could take initiative to convene a meeting of these forces based on the General Line document and try to form at least a platform of these forces as an initial step towards rebuilding the CI. But sighting the bad influence under the Comintern, it refused to do so, limiting its fraternal relations to party to party talks. After usurpation of power by the capitalist roaders reducing it to a social imperialist power, the CPC was interested only to use those organizations tailing behind it and eulogizing it as its propagandists.

Presently, when the imperialists of all hues are intensifying neo-colonial/neo-liberal offensive, leading to ultra rightist, neo-fascist forces coming to dominance in increasing number of countries, when the internationalization of production is the intensifying phenomena, the significance of rebuilding the communist international to challenge the imperialist system and to create conditions for internationally united initiative for revolutionary advances have unprecedentedly increased. Not only such a unity is not taking place, but numerous pseudo theories are put forward to oppose any unity efforts.

For example, though the revisionist parties present in almost all countries who have become parties serving the ruling system, convene international conferences and issue pseudo left statements, they are consistently opposing formation of any international organization. Though on the extreme left, the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) was formed in the 1980s, and it had advanced the concept of Maoism, it has become almost dysfunctional now. The international platform created by the forces upholding the Hoxhaite line is limited to issuing joint statements. The large number of ML forces between the social democratic and extreme left forces, even while claiming to uphold proletarian internationalism, is against putting it to practice in any form. For justification they misquote the Statement dissolving the Comintern, or articles of Chou Enlai like leaders opposing any form of international communist organization. So, even though many of them may observe the Centenary of the Comintern, in practice, they are against any more internationals or even building broad platforms!

VI

The CPI(ML) Red Star approaches this problem of rebuilding the Communist International upholding proletarian internationalism as a question of paramount importance, as a task to be taken up based on basic Marxist-Leninist positions. As far as Marx and Engels were concerned, after putting forward their analysis of capitalism as a global system, right from the beginning they called for, and worked for the formation and development of the First International for the overthrow of it and to advance towards socialist future. So, when the international developments, and the struggle within the FI, called for its dissolution, it was dissolved, and within a decade it was reorganized as Second International. When the opportunist tendencies led to its liquidation, analyzing the transformation of capitalism to imperialism, according to the need of the new situation Lenin led the struggle for reorganizing the SI as the Third (Communist) International very soon. In spite all the weaknesses later, it contributed enormously for the great advances made by the socialist forces by the 1950s. When we look back 76 years after its dissolution in 1943, it is not difficult to understand that absence of any major initiative for its rebuilding, learning from its positive contributions and weaknesses, played a major role in leading to the severe setbacks suffered by the communist movement. Objective reality demands such a platform to help the people’s democratic/socialist revolutions in the neo-colonially dependent and capitalist countries to lead the world socialist revolution forward. This basic understanding has guided us right from the time the reorganization of the CPI(ML) was taken up by us four decades ago, as a matter of primary importance.

As far as rebuilding the CI is concerned, the formation and functioning of the ICOR is only a beginning. Observing the Centenary of the formation of the Communist International in an inspired manner, let us study from its past experience, and take up its rebuilding as a process according to the present realities, always giving emphasis to the theoretical offensive and to seeking truth from facts, so that World proletarian Socialist Revolution can march forward!

Uphold Proletarian Internationalism; Intensify Efforts to Rebuild Communist International as Mighty Weapon for Victory of World Proletarian Socialist Revolution! n

 

Eleventh Party Congress

Political Resolution of CPI(ML) Red Star

The Political Resolution (PR) and extracts of the Political Organization Report (POR) adopted by the 11th Congress of the CPI(ML) Red Star held from 27th November to 1st December, 2018, at Bengaluru are reproduced below. At a time when the country is in a critical juncture and is going to face the crucial 2019 Lok Sabha elections in April-May, we invite active discussion on the position taken by the Party on these questions in the PR and on party building in the POR – Red Star

The political tasks before us today need to be assessed in the context of the objective international and national situation, especially since the 10th Congress of our Party in 2015.

1)        International Situation

1.i)      The Political Resolution adopted by the 10th Congress had evaluated the international situation as crisis-prone and of growing multi-polarity. In the last three years, those trends have developed further leading to an aggravation in the economic and political crisis of world imperialism today.

Crisis-ridden Neo-liberal Imperialism

1.ii)      The systemic crisis of world imperialism even as internationalization of monopoly finance capital reaching new levels continues unabated.  Most optimistic projections of the UN and Bretton Woods institutions are unable to cover up the continuing risk from the bubble-induced inflation and recession haunting the world. Last several years’ incessant pumping of trillions of dollars of cheap money from government treasury and banks in to the coffers of corporate financiers, rather than facilitating any recovery, has only worsened the situation. The chronic over-accumulation of finance capital as was exemplified in the speculative bubble that led to the ‘global meltdown’ of 2007-08 is strengthening. Consequently, the financial bubble measured in global stock market capitalization alone further rose from $ 63 trillion on the eve of the ‘sub-prime crisis’ in 2007 to more than $ 80 trillion by mid 2017, again resulting in the biggest-ever short-term collapse in capitalist history on February 6, 2018 eroding more than $ 4 trillion from US stock exchanges in a single day due to this ‘flash crash’!  Thus the situation is ripe for another round of prolonged bubble burst.  In that sense, the decade-long current phase of the imperialist crisis has turned out to be more prolonged and severe than that of the 1970s.

1.iii)     As a manifestation of this crisis in both imperialist and neo-colonially dependent countries, fresh capital investment in employment oriented productive spheres is alarmingly collapsing. Corporate financiers everywhere are mainly interested in ballooning money-spinning speculative businesses. Growth in GDP indices arising from this is used by ruling classes to cover up the acute deindustrialization and joblessness today experienced by common people.  Corporatization of agriculture and devastation inflicted on local and rural communities everywhere are resulting in de-peasantization, displacement, migration and refugee crisis. The decline in the consuming power of the vast majority of people, gruesome levels of poverty and inequality coupled with more intrusions on nature threatening the very existence of humankind have become unbearable. All over the world, neoliberal budget cuts in health, education and social welfare have worsened the suffering of the masses along with double exploitation of the mass of women in particular.

1.iv)     Imperialist globalization has been associated with liberalization of labour laws, tax systems and environmental regulations which are more severe in neo-colonially dependent and  oppressed countries. Internationalization of production and new trends in global division of labour such as outsourcing have led to the super-exploitation of working class and oppressed people especially in backward countries. The mad rush for profit has also resulted in the transplantation of polluting industries to neo-colonially dependent countries and dumping of industrial waste in them. To facilitate the unprecedented levels of exploitation of people and plunder of nature by corporate capital, all democratic rights of workers and broad masses are curtailed in one form or another.

1.v)     Global inequalities have reached record levels. According to latest report by Oxfam, 83 percent of the wealth created in 2017 has gone to the top one percent of the global superrich. Country-level inequalities are also steeply going up. Even as the world economy is experiencing a slump, the number of billionaires and the share of wealth with them are having a steady upward trend.

1.vi)     While employment situation in imperialist countries is stagnant, real wages and living conditions of the workers and toiling people are continuously declining. Casualization and frequent hire-and fire have led to deterioration in working conditions. Even as labour productivity is steadily rising due to the application of new technologies, wages are maintained at the subsistence level while profit rates are going up. The consequence is a decline in the purchasing power of the broad masses of common people that prompts capitalists to bring about a relative curtailment in the production of mass consumption goods.

1.vii)    While the world is on the brink of an  environmental catastrophe, the mad rush for profit is inflicting further damage on ecology. In continuation of consistent US violations of various international environmental treaties and protocols, Trump has unilaterally withdrawn from the Paris Accord thereby once again repudiating all “legally binding” international environmental regulations and mandated reductions in green-house gas emissions. Thus the struggle for a reversal of the adverse environmental damage caused by mainstream development paradigm and years of global warming has again come to a standstill.

1.viii)   Across the world, this has led to a favourable objective condition for the emergence of class and mass struggles. Workers, peasants, women, youth and students are rising up in imperialist as well as in dependent countries in one form or another. People’s movements for protecting habitats and for a sustainable environment, for democratic rights and against various forms of oppression are also springing up across the world. Against the imperialist and ruling class offensives, workers and oppressed people’s struggles are developing in several Latin American, African and Asian countries. Workers and youth are rising up in the US and in many countries of Europe, the latest massive people’s upsurge against Macron’s austerity measures being the latest. Across Asia, workers, peasants, women, youth and students are leading struggles against neoliberal policies, fascism and reaction. In particular, mass movements for freedom and democracy during the last three years have challenged ruling regimes in Egypt, Tunisia, Greece, Turkey, Bahrain, Iran, etc. Neoliberal budget cuts and austerity policies aimed at shifting the burden of crisis to the shoulders of workers and peasants have led to the eruption of large scale struggles in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Colombia, South Africa, Bangladesh, India, etc. Big global movements have developed against neo-colonial—neo-liberal agencies like IMF, World Bank, WTO and against various trade and military agreements. However, in spite of the prevalence of many left forces in the forefront of these struggles, those capable of concretely analyzing the situation with a correct ideological perspective and politically leading the people towards a revolutionary alternative is lacking.

Rightward Shift in Ruling Class Politics

1.ix)     To deal with the emerging people’s struggles and divert them away from developing into a revolutionary situation, almost everywhere ultra-rightwing, neo-fascist, racist, xenophobic, reactionary and religious fundamentalist forces are propped up by neoliberal imperialism. Strengthening of the repressive state apparatus along with the tendency to fascistization have become the general trend in both imperialist and dependent countries.

1.x)     In continuation of our analysis in the Political Resolution  adopted in the 10th Congress, the following period has witnessed a clear-cut neo-fascist shift in politics at a global level. The ascendancy of Trump in the US, Brexit and further rightward political shift in Britain, victory of the right of centre forces in France, further strengthening of neo-Nazi Alternative for Germany, rise to dominance of the far right Freedom Party in Austria, fascist trends in Spain and so on are instances of this general trend. Similar right wing political trends are visible in Latin America. As a result, many progressive governments with a nationalistic and anti-imperialist orientation that have come to power in several countries in Latin America in the first decade of the 21st century have faced reverses in the context of the general rightward shift in global politics. Trump administration is openly engaged in destabilizing governments in Bolivia, Venezuela Ecuador, Honduras and Nicaragua which are not ready to toe the US line.  The US and EU are in the pursuit of large scale military investments in North Africa, West Asia, East Asia and more recently in East Europe in the context of growing conflict with Russia.  Superimposition of neoliberal policies coupled with postmodern identity politics that prop up new interpretations of tribalism and religious fundamentalism as new-found means of emancipation are sowing the seeds of disunity among the oppressed.  Its outcome is an acute political and economic destabilization in many African countries like, Tunisia, Morocco, Nigeria and so on. Identical trends are visible in Asia too. The corporate-saffron Modi regime in India is a typical example of this ultra-rightist trend.

Geopolitical Trends and Sharpening Inter-imperialist Contradictions

1.xi)     This international situation in which scope of surplus capital investment as well as avenues of increased global market share shrink particularly due to collapse of the purchasing power of the broad masses has prompted imperialists to intensify their struggle for re-division and domination of world market and spheres of influence.  Consequent inter-monopoly competition and scramble for political and strategic influence in various parts of the world have led to mounting global political instability, growing multi-polarity and sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions in manifold ways. Bourgeois diplomatic deception is giving way to open external reaction and violence in international affairs even in the absence of a direct confrontation between the imperialists. 

1.xii)    US imperialism, still the leading superpower and chief war monger, sponsor of terrorism and main threat to world peace led by its arch-reactionary president Trump today pursues an extremely diehard ‘protectionism’ at home along with an  aggressive militarism abroad. Its policy towards Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Ukraine, etc., has become more ruthless. Even in gross disregard of the views of his NATO allies, by unilaterally terminating the 2015 Nuclear Agreement, Trump has taken an aggressive posture directed against Iran. The Trump administration is characterizing those countries that are reluctant to submit to the will of US imperialism as “rogue states”. Though North Korea is one among them and even bracketed as a “sponsor of terrorism” till recently, by now Trump has accomplished a bilateral discussion with it.

1.xiii)   Today, the inter-imperialist rivalry for world hegemony is most acutely manifested in imperialist China’s efforts to challenge US imperialism at both economic and political levels. Emerging as a rival centre of global production and market and as the second largest economy in the world, China has established its military base not only in Africa but even in far-flung Latin America. With its domination over global trade and finance, China has surpassed US in many spheres of production. For the uninterrupted continuation of such imperialist interests, both at home and abroad, recently the ruling Chinese regime has brought about a constitutional amendment of even abolishing the presidential term limit for putting the present incumbent Xi Jinping in the throne as the life-long head of the state.   In view of such initiatives as Shanghai Cooperation Organization along with Russia, Belt and Road Initiative that in terms of its extent and scope is characterized as bigger than America’s post-war Marshall Plan, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in which China’s currency Yuan is expected to play the crucial role, BRICS and especially Shanghai based BRICS bank, etc., led by China, the US economic position is waning both at regional and global levels. To counter this, while Trump is pursuing extreme protectionist policies as manifested in the repudiation of Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), disenchantment with WTO, withdrawal from Paris Climate Accord and so on, China has become the ardent champion of “globalization” and open market policies today. US imperialism is trying to overcome the consequent relative deterioration in its economic position through more aggressive militarization everywhere.

1.xiv)   The non-viability of the post-war geopolitical arrangement in Europe including the internal crisis of NATO has been another manifestation of the unfolding inter-imperialist rivalry. The recent Brussels meeting of the EU member states with the exception of four smaller states of Denmark, Ireland, Malta and Portugal and the decision to revive the idea of ‘Schengen military zone’ based on a common defense policy comprising the development and accumulation of weapons and joint military interventions is a challenge to the coherence of NATO in the context of the emerging contradictions between the EU and US on many international questions. This resurgence of European militarism independent of the transatlantic NATO alliance has been driven by German and French imperialists whose initiative at the creation of a European army is to be evaluated in the context of the relative weakness of US imperialism. Trump’s extreme protectionist “America First” policy that has sharpened the tensions between the United States and Europe and the Brexit that eroded the clout of US’ closest ally Britain in EU affairs have prepared the background for this. Trump’s sanctions on North Stream Pipeline to Germany have eliminated a cheap source of fuel from Russia to EU as a whole. All these developments have already weakened the erstwhile coherence in NATO between the US and EU. In general, European imperialism led by Berlin and Paris has begun openly resisting the US policy particularly in West Asia as exemplified by its open defiance of US approach towards the “Qatar crisis”, recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, withdrawal from ‘two-state solution’ on Palestine and on the latest US withdrawal from Nuclear Agreement with Iran. Acute differences have emerged within the G8 and today cooperation between EU and US is more or less confined to the tactical use of NATO against Russia, their common enemy.  In coming days, the materialization of an independent EU military is definitely going to sharpen inter-imperialist rivalries both in Europe and elsewhere in newer ways. At the same time, the large cuts in social spending necessitated by increased military outlays will aggravate the class contradictions in Europe and the unleashing of all reactionary, chauvinistic, anti-immigrant and neo-fascist elements on the one hand, and increasing intimidation of the revolutionary and democratic forces on the other.

1.xv)   Meanwhile, Trump administration has revamped the concept of the “Quadrilateral” (Quad) in alliance with its key regional partners, viz., Japan, Australia and India to further develop the so called “Indo-Pacific” bloc targeted against China in continuation Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’ policy. As a result, the Asia-Pacific region has become a hot spot of growing inter-imperialist rivalries especially between the US and China.  Quad’s earlier assertion to address the nuclear and missile programs of North Korea also displays US intention to isolate China in dealing with the former. At the same time, Quad’s main thrust will be on challenging Chinese territorial and maritime claims in the South China Sea. Meanwhile, the US has also intensified its “interventions” in Philippines, Indonesia and other countries of the region under the guise of “countering terrorism.”

1.xvi)   Growing multi-polarity and shift in geopolitics leading to disintegration and redrawing of the post-war international relations have other manifestations too. Imperialist globalization and unhindered cross border capital flows and integration of economies have enabled corporate monopolies from neo-colonially dependent countries to enter into mergers, acquisitions and joint ventures with MNCs from imperialist countries. Regional powers like India in South Asia, Saudi Arabia in West Asia, Brazil in Latin America, South Africa in Africa, etc. which are acting under the economic, political and military umbrella erected by imperialism but incapable of accomplishing self-expanding capitalist path of development on account of their class character, are also playing their respective role as dictated by the imperialist rules of the game. India’s big-brother role in south Asia and its strategic military alliance with US imperialism as the latter’s junior partner is an example.

1.xvii)  These geopolitical trends give rise to new tensions and deep contradictions within imperialism which are moving toward further global instabilities as manifested in large-scale trade wars and regional military war in different parts of the world. The worsening situation in West Asia, Afghanistan and mass killing in Syria arise directly from US interventions there. Russia’s intervention in Syria in the guise of supporting the elected Assad regime is also motivated by the latter’s strategic interests. The ongoing US sponsored Saudi slaughter and blockade in Yemen, Zionist attacks on the people of Palestine and the latest assault on Gaza, atrocities committed on the democratic and revolutionary forces in Rojava and so on, though short of a full scale war,  are wiping out the people of the region and have become threatening to the international community. Coordinated efforts are urgently required to kick out the imperialists, especially the US-Israel axis from West Asia for the maintenance of peace there.  Along with West Asia, the Asia Pacific is also transformed as dangerous “flash points”. Imperialist intervention in West Asia and North Africa has led to the biggest-ever exodus of refugees whose number has already crossed 65 million. The Rohingyas in Asia have become one among the most persecuted refugees today.

1.xviii) As a result, all the major contradictions at the global level, the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed peoples and nations, the contradiction between capital and labour, the contradiction between capital and nature, the contradiction between the imperialist system and the socialist forces and the contradiction among the imperialist countries and monopoly groups have sharpened further. However, in the present phase of internationalization of monopoly finance capital, rather than moving towards an open military confrontation among the major powers, in conformity with imperialism’s geopolitical interests, through local wars, threat of wars and trade and currency  wars,  imperialists are expanding the markets for weapons and commodities, ensuring conditions for cross-border capital flows  and sharpening the scramble for sources of raw materials and putting heavier burdens on workers and oppressed masses by intensifying neoliberal policies and resorting to fascistization.

Our Tasks at the International Level

1.xix)   This international situation calls for cooperation and coordinated action among Marxist-Leninist parties and revolutionary organizations against imperialism from the perspective of proletarian internationalism. Such efforts based on a concrete understanding of the international relations should at the same time be interlinked with the specific strategy and tactics of revolution in each country. 

1.xx)   The founding of ICOR in 2010 in which CPI (ML) Red Star played a major role and the practical cooperation in international issues together with the ideological-political exchange developing among its constituents since then leading to the successful completion of the Third World Conference of ICOR are welcome initiatives in this regard. While dealing with the new developments taking place in imperialism through various seminars and debates upholding the spirit of internationalism, positive experience has gathered through several successful international conferences on workers, peasants, women and youth as well as the initiatives for the protection of environment under the auspices of ICOR. The ICOR campaign on the occasion of the 100 Years of October Revolution has brought forward more unity of revolutionary forces against imperialist reaction and fascist repression. Along with the strengthening of these initiatives, it is also our task to carry forward the ongoing debate over the understanding on imperialism and major world contradictions today within ICOR.

1.xxi)   The concrete international situation demands broad-based campaign against imperialism and for world peace. It necessitates the need for coordinated work to establish fraternal relations with all like-minded forces. The success of such coordinated initiatives is already evident from the experience in organizing the October Revolution Centenary Rally in St Petersburg initiated by ICOR as well as in joint anti-nuclear and environmental campaigns. In the coming days there is ample scope for such issue-based coordination among those forces having an anti-imperialist orientation.

1.xxii)  However, when the objective situation for a revolutionary transformation is developing everywhere, the subjective factor essential for social change is still weak on account of historical, ideological and political reasons.  This is manifested in the relative absence of Marxist-Leninist parties and revolutionary organizations deeply rooted among the working class and oppressed masses capable of leading such struggles within the country and at the same time supporting and coordinating them internationally. As the reactionary essence of imperialism is becoming more and more catastrophic, a worldwide anti-imperialist movement that can effectively challenge the threat of aggression, resist corporatization and fascistization and all forms of reaction and moving towards democracy and socialism has become an urgent necessity. This is possible only by the time-bound fulfilment of our international tasks.

2.        National Situation

2.i)      More than four years of Modi regime has brought India to  a frightening disruption of its socio-economic and political fabric. In a situation of RSS led extreme divisive policies, instigation of mutual hatred among people, and in an atmosphere of increasing feeling of insecurity among dalits and minorities, BJP government has brought every aspect of social life under the firm grip of corporate capital. Strengthening India’s position as the junior partner of US imperialism and entering in to strategic alliance with it, Modi has destroyed to a great extent the erstwhile non-aligned position that India had in international relations. All institutions of parliamentary democracy are degraded so as to facilitate the corporate, saffron fascist offensive.

2.ii)      The Political Resolution adopted by our 10th Congress in 2015 when Modi completed just eight months of his tenure had recorded thus: “2.9  Modi’s ascendancy to power has been followed by a ruthless acceleration of Manmohanomics as is manifested in the extrapolation of his ‘Gujarat model’ to the whole of India with the corporate-friendly catchwords such as ‘minimum government,’ ‘good governance’, development, etc. The  ‘road map’ for Modi  regime’s economic policy in the coming years containing transparent policy environment for business including reforms to enhance “ease of doing business”, liberal tax regime, full liberalization of FDI regime in strategic sectors such as defense and railways, construction of freight and industrial corridors including the creation of what is called a Diamond Quadrilateral project of high speed trains, specialized Agro-Rail networks, promotion of air connectivity to smaller towns and development of airports, connecting ports with hinterland through road and rail, outsourcing of public sector banking operations to MNCs and corporate giants such as Reliance, building up of 100 cities equipped with world class amenities, etc. based on PPP, a euphemism for privatization, attracting private investment in coal sector, completion of nuclear power projects and operationalization of  international nuclear agreements, modernization and corporatization of agriculture, time-bound forest and environmental clearance for projects, and so on are fully in conformity with the diktats and requirements of crisis-ridden international  finance capital.”

2.iii)     Since then, the drive towards neoliberal corporatization unleashed by Modi has led the country to further disruption in productive and employment-oriented sectors. Thus, even according to usually doctored official data, economic contraction in India today is the worst since the fiscal year of 2008-09 when the country was confronting the global meltdown under the Congress led UPA government. The crucial reason for this socio-economic disruption has been the sudden deterioration in the purchasing power of the vast majority of Indian people on account of neoliberal policies coupled with the super-imposition of demonetization and neoliberal policies like anti-federal GST, the biggest-ever loot through corporate price-fixing of petroleum, etc., that have transferred the reins of the economy to the firm grip of corporate capital.

2.iv)     Ultra-rightist and pro-corporate shift in economic policies including massive subsidization and transfer of wealth to the financial elite and superrich through several corporate tax exemptions along with a steep budgetary cut in all kinds of social welfare spending have resulted in a forcible extraction from even the bare minimum means of people’s subsistence. As a consequence, India has become one of the most unequal countries globally. According to a Credit Suisse analysis, the richest one percent owned 53 percent of the country’s wealth in 2016 compared to 36.8 percent in 2000. As per a latest report by Oxfam, the top 1 percent in India has gained 73 percent of the additional wealth generated in India in 2017.  

2.v)     Though the share of agriculture in national income is around 15 percent, almost half of the Indian people still depends on it for their sustenance. Unlike in the colonial days, the present trends in agriculture should be visualized in the context of the fast penetration of corporate capital in to it along with usury and still prevailing pre-capitalist relations in certain regions. The drive towards corporate agriculture is resulting in land concentration in agri-business companies, corporate farms and agricultural bourgeoisie on the one hand, and increasing landlessness, displacement and destitution of the peasantry on the other. With no avenues to subsist, large sections of the displaced landless peasants and agricultural workers are forced to migrate to urban centres only to join the ranks of informal working class and slum dwellers. On the other hand, the share-croppers, marginal peasants and even middle peasants having no other option except to cling on to agriculture have become the worst victims of neoliberal and WTO-enforced agricultural policies. Rise in input costs and decline in the prices of agricultural outputs in the absence of price support programs together with lack of peasant-friendly credit policies and hence mounting debt burden are pushing peasants to mass suicides.  

2.vi)     Industrial sector including core and strategic industries remains sluggish.  To ensure ‘ease of doing business’ for FDI and corporate capital, even the meagre pro-worker laws are amended and workers are deprived of their hard-earned democratic rights. Privatization of existing infrastructural facilities, extension of PPP model for new infrastructure projects, disinvestment of PSUs, etc. have already destroyed large number of employment opportunities in the organized sector. While casualization and contractualization in the organized sector are the general trend, more and more workers are forced to depend on the informal and unorganized sectors which have been the worst hit on account of demonetization and GST. Allocation on the much publicized MNREGA in real terms has gone down in successive budgets. While coming to power, Modi had promised new employment generation of 2 crores per annum; but the actual labour-participation rate is going down due to all round economic slowdown. 

2.vii)    The condition of all oppressed including women, dalits,  adivasis and minorities has become more devastating. Crisis in the unorganised sector has reduced women workers’ participation in employment. All forms of sexual violence both in home and at workplace against women and caste-based violence against dalit women have increased in manifold ways.  Archaic and feudal values are imposed on women, who are subjected to moral policing by free-wheeling saffron goons. The BJP leadership maintains total silence on women’s reservation in parliament and legislatures, even as it reaps maximum communal mileage from the Triple Talaq issue. In spite of the Supreme Court judgement, the LGBTQ+ community remains subject to all kinds of illegal and unjust terror and harassment.

2.vii.a) Women have become the worst sufferers under the Hindutva rule.  As exemplified by the response from saffron forces against Supreme Court order removing discrimination against women’s entry into Sabarimala Temple, all religious obscurantist and feudal forces are unleashed on every realm of women’s life. Even as patriarchal and caste-based codes and values irrespective religions are getting dominance everywhere, under the Modi regime and especially in BJP-ruled states violence against women is on the ascendance.

2.viii)   Privatization and disinvestment of PSUs and machinations against caste-based reservation have become threatening to dalits. Worst form of caste discrimination and humiliation and caste-based daily oppression together with forcible displacement from land and habitats and consequent increased marginalization have accelerated their discontent and resentment. Increasing dalit fury and resistance have been steadily growing beginning with the movements against Rohit Vemula’s murder and attacks on dalits in UP and Maharashtra. The Una flogging of dalits by saffron goons, attacks on dalits attending the Bhima-Koregaon anniversary and similar developments in various parts of the country are also the contexts for rapid politicization among the oppressed and for militant dalit assertion and resistance against brahmanical offensive.  There is a growing demand for reservation in the private sector for SCs, STs and OBCs which the party must support.

2.ix)     While budgetary allocations to adivasis are either curtailed or withheld on the one hand, various RSS-affiliated NGO organizations  are  actively engaged in dragging the tribal people in to the Hindutva fold. Penetration of corporate capital and forest mafia in violation of Forest Rights Act in different ways, hand in glove with politician-bureaucrat nexus, is threatening adivasis’s livelihood and right to forest produce. Like the dalits, tribal people are also subjected to massive displacement from their habitats and migration to urban slums.  Malnourishment and hunger deaths have become frequent among tribal communities. The corporate- saffron regime is ruthless in suppressing adivasi struggles for land and livelihood as in the case of the struggles of other oppressed sections.

2.x)     Corruption which is inherent under capitalism has assumed new dimensions as an inalienable concomitant of neoliberal corporatization under the Modi regime. Corporate loot of public sector banks and creation of huge volume of NPAs under official patronage is just one glaring example. Most corrupt corporate leaders and CEOs accompanying Modi in his frequent foreign tours has become regular feature. Demonetization itself was an ingenious move for the corporate black money holders to whiten their huge unaccounted wealth through the legal route. Unlike in the past, the biggest corruption scandals of recent period including the latest Rafale deal are directly traceable to Modi with his ‘larger-than-life stature’ even as corporate media keeps a studied silence on them.  India has become a flourishing example of ‘crony capitalism’ emanating from corporate-politician-bureaucrat nexus in the policy decision-making process such that, as pointed out by various international studies, during the last two year period, even surpassing  Pakistan, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam, India has become the most corrupt country in Asia.

2.xi)     Islamofobia is systematically built up; Muslim Youth are targeted as antinational  and  terrorist and are often charged under UAPA and anti-Sedition laws. Muslims are frequently attacked and lynched by Hindutva goons masked as cow vigilantes or Gau Rakshaks, with the connivance of the BJP government.  The rightwing communal offensive has created a climate of fear and insecurity amongst the Muslim minorities. The lynching of innocent Muslim men and boys and the palpable bias of the state administration in dealing with such incidents in BJP-ruled states has heightened their insecurity. Security and livelihood of minorities are in peril in BJP ruled states like Uttar Pradesh. Even the Central Government has exposed its Islamophobia when dealing with the Rohingya refugees. All these also prepare the ground fertile for the growth of extremist Muslim outfits adding further justification for fascistization and intensified repression on minorities. 

2.xii)    All environmental regulations including mandatory EIA studies for infrastructure projects are being taken away. In the name of development, corporate financiers are given unfettered freedom for natural resource explorations in gross violation of laws pertaining to workplace, land conservation, food agriculture, forest, wildlife and coastal zones, with highly detrimental impacts on the sustenance of workers especially women workforce, dalits, tribals, fishers and so on.

2.xiii)   Meanwhile, prices of all items of mass consumption and essential services like healthcare and education fuelled especially by soaring petroleum prices are galloping.  PDS is systematically dismantled even as large sections of poor people are deprived of all kinds of subsidized services through Aadhar that has become a data base available for online monopolies. Corporatization and commercialization of healthcare and education have become the general trend.

2.xiv)   Concerted efforts are in full swing to bring the entire cultural and  educational spheres of the country under saffron tutelage. Obscurantism and religious bigotry are superimposed on science and historical studies. Dissenters are branded as anti-national and ‘anti-Hindu’ and are subjected to fascist attacks. Intellectuals and activists like Pansare, Dabholkar, Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh are killed and many more are intimidated. Democratic rights activists are branded as ‘terrorists’ and ‘Maoists’ and targeted. The charging of UPA against the leaders of the Bhima-Koregaon struggle is the latest example. People are denied their choice of food and are accused as cow-slaughterers and beef eaters and are brutally beaten up and killed by freewheeling saffron gangs under the umbrella of the central regime. People are being browbeaten by the Hindutva gangs even for putting their honest views on social media.

2.xv)   In India, Modi government’s sinister effort to manipulate the judiciary has compelled even the senior judges of the apex court to come out openly, exposing the crisis confronting the judicial system. Loya case has unfolded as a typical instance of the dangerous situation in which even the security of judges hearing ‘sensitive’ cases is in jeopardy. On the one hand, while Modi government is interfering in the appointment of judges to the highest court violating all precedents, on the other, it is resorting to illegal means to keep out judgments against BJP and Saffron leaders. The recent statement of Amit Shah that the Supreme Court must only give such judgements which can be implemented is a clear challenge to the judiciary.

2.xvi)   Manipulation of judiciary is part of the broader theme of communalization of all constitutional offices, civil and military services so as to toe the saffron line. All key policy-making and implementation bodies, councils, and committees of the central government are packed with RSS-affiliated NGO leaders, voluntary activists, academics, intellectuals, spiritual leaders and even Hindu godmen. The extra-ordinary move to nominate corporate-sanghis to government administration as senior bureaucrats superseding the Indian Civil Service is the latest in this series. Right from the post of the President to governors of states and vice-chancellors of universities are filled with RSS leaders or hard-core Hindutva adherents. Those who question the impropriety of such moves are branded as anti-nationals.

2.xvii)  Even as major sections of the media have fallen in line with the corporate-saffron agenda, media persons and journalists taking independent positions are eliminated and intimidated often through false charges. To avoid reports and news which expose the true colour of the regime, reporters and editors are threatened and even removed from their posts using pliable managements.

 2.xviii) Modi regime’s insistence on digitization of citizen’s identity through such means as Aadhar or Unique Identification Number(UID) disregarding larger privacy concerns associated with the collection of biometric data and personal information has become a serious threat to people. India still not having specific laws to guarantee privacy, the government forcing citizens to share their biometric details under threat of denying essential services is a breach of the fundamental right to privacy. In view of renewed efforts by Europe and other countries to make their privacy laws more stringent in the context of the information of the kind of data scraping resorted by Cambridge Analytica, concerted efforts are required here to ensure people’s freedom from both state and corporate surveillance and guarantee of fundamental democratic rights.

2.xix)   Urgent attention is called for a major restructuring of the entire election process in the country. The BJP which till 2014 had been vociferously condemning the EVM on account of its vulnerability to fraud and tampering has now become its ardent champion as it can effectively utilize the same in its favour. The possibility of insertion of malicious software in to EVMs and manipulation of voting preferences being already proved, several countries of the world have abandoned EVMs and are pursuing the ballots. While raising this issue together with all like-minded forces, a concerted campaign is also required for replacing the ‘first pass the post system’ with proportional representation in elections and introduction of people’s right to recall the elected representatives. Similarly, provisions should be incorporated for totally keeping communal forces away from interfering in election in any manner. In brief, our Party should unite in campaign with all democratic and progressive forces for a thorough democratization of the election process.  

2.xx)   In accordance with its saffron agenda, the BJP government has made the J&K question at its worst. Totally rejecting the need of an independent referendum which is the feasible political solution for Kashmir question, Modi regime’s militarization of the entire region by unleashing armed forces and state police has completely alienated Kashmiri people. RSS elements are constantly communalizing the situation thereby repeatedly demanding repeal of Article 370 and Article 35A. The Kathuva-like incidents have aggravated it further. 

2.xxi)   The entire north-east is militarized and the situation in Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram and Assam has further aggravated due to the wanton use of black laws such as AFSPA along with state’s own militarization with the backing of open communalization led by RSS. The attend to amend the Citizenship Act in favour of mainly Hindu immigrants and wholly targeted against Muslims and the efforts to tinker with the National Register of Citizens in Assam in conformity with this have created  a communally surcharged and polarized situation there. The state of the Gurkha people’s ethnic question has further worsened due to the manner it is handled by the TMC government along with interference by the BJP. As a whole, the federal structure of the country is facing the biggest threat under Modi regime.

2.xxii)  Together with these political moves, the superimposition of GST depriving the states of their constitutional rights to have own sources of resource mobilization has undermined the federal structure of India. As a whole, various administrative steps such as abolition of the Planning Commission, alteration in the terms of reference of Finance Commission, changes in the priorities of central fund devolution to the states, etc., arbitrarily imposed by the Modi government has done immense damage to the federal structure of the nation and the state and in strangling the democratic aspirations of various nationalities in the country.

2.xxiia) Today around 7 million Indian expatriates are working in Gulf countries. They play a major role in sustaining India’s foreign exchange basket. However, during the past few years, due to world economic crisis and consequent fluctuations in the price of oil, large number of them has been forced to return to India resulting in their rehabilitation becoming an urgent issue in states like Kerala.As the coming days are to witness an increasing inflow of the gulf returnees, appropriate steps for their rehabilitation involving efficient use of both their hard-earned savings and expertize should form an urgent task of the central and state governments.

2.xxiii) Relations with all neighbouring countries have worsened. SAARC has become defunct, mainly on account of the pursuit of totally antagonistic policies and cutting down all channels for bilateral talks with Pakistan. In the protracted Doklam stalemate from which India had to ignominiously retreat, Bhutan refused to come out in support of Indian military deployment. On the contrary, it has started leaning more to China. The Indian regime led by Modi had tried its level best to thwart the advent of a secular government in Nepal.  However, the political unification in Nepal between CPN (UML) and CPN (Maoist) in to a single party following government formation and its move for closer ties with China have been a slap on the face of the Modi government. Modi’s communal handling of the Rohingya refugees has even alienated Bangladesh also giving scope for anti-India campaign there.

2.xxiv) Similar is the case with Sri Lanka and Maldives. Even after the civil war, the Buddhist fundamentalists in Sri Lanka continue their antagonism towards Tamil people and Muslims without any let up and the promise of autonomy to Tamil majority area has become an eye-wash.  Modi government’s US-backed ‘expansionist’ designs have prompted the Sri Lankan regime to move closer to China. Similarly, in the recent political crisis in the Maldives, a SAARC member, arising from contradiction between judiciary and executive, the latter has openly displayed its distrust of the Indian regime. Thus the big-brother bullying attitude of Modi regime has unprecedentedly worsened the relations with all neighbours. On the other hand, it is satisfied with its strategic alliance with US imperialism and being used as a launching pad for the latter’s anti-China machinations.

2.xxv)  Against this corporate-saffron offensive unleashed by the Modi regime,  different sections of the toiling and oppressed are steadily coming up all over India. Militant struggles of the peasants who form one of the major chunks of the most devastated, have risen up especially from BJP-NDA ruled states such as Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh resulting in the electoral defeat of the BJP in the recent Assembly elections to the last three states.  The Maruti workers struggle has got widespread attention. The heroic resistance of the people of Tamil Nadu that led to the massacre of 13 people in police firing has forced the government to cancel Vedanta’s Sterlite Copper Smelter Plant project in Tutucorin. During this period, the capital city of Delhi itself has witnessed many prolonged struggles by workers, peasants, students and cultural activists. Against the atrocities including subtle forms of untouchability and caste-discrimination being practiced in campuses, and against the increasing Hindutva academic and ideological offensive in higher education, student resistances have emerged in the renowned central universities and research institutes of India. Rallies and protests by dalits, tribals and minorities uniting with struggling democratic forces against the saffron fascistic onslaughts have become regular all over India. Even leading writers, intellectuals and artists have come out in the streets protesting against the killings of Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh after returning their prestigious awards.

3.        Immediate Task of Resisting BJP’s Corporate Saffron Fascistization

3.i)      The disastrous situation brought out by BJP regime and the mounting all round social contradictions have brought India to a critical situation. In this context, the immediate task today is to resist and resolutely defeat the intensifying trend towards corporate saffron fascistization, the concrete manifestations of which are self-evident before the people. The situation today is a quantitatively distinct one with a well-defined ultra-rightwing shift in policies coupled with the BJP call towards an ‘opposition-free’ saffron fascist sate.

3.ii)      While drawing out the basic contours of the essential task of isolating and defeating corporate saffron forces, a clear perception regarding the positions of the political parties and formations in the country is also important. Obviously, it was by effectively utilizing the people’s resentment against the neoliberal policies of the Congress-led UPA rule on the one hand, and cleverly appropriating the soft-Hindutva pursued by it on the other, that the RSS led BJP ascended to power in 2014. Today, while the BJP has grown as the leading Indian ruling class party merging itself with corporate-big bourgeois and landlord interests, the class character of the Congress though in opposition continues to be the same. Similar is the case with most of the regional and state-level parties, many of whom having communal and caste orientation and eager to seek opportunist alliances with both Congress and BJP. And like the BJP and Congress, these parties are also adherents of neoliberal policies.

3.iii)     It is a fact that the documents of the Left Front led by the CPI (M) including other left parties speak at length against the neoliberal policies and saffronisation inflicted by BJP on the one hand, and expose the class character of the Congress on the other. However, its appeal for left assertion is confusing. Its approach towards an anti-BJP alliance lacks clarity as it implies an understanding with the reactionary Congress. In practice, its anti-communal stance against fascistization is separated from its link with neo-liberalism such that wherever the Left Front comes to power it also faithfully implements the very same pro-corporate neo-liberal policies. For instance, the CPI (M) led Kerala government was among the first that came forward wholeheartedly supporting the Modi government’s anti-federal and pro-corporate GST. And, the left sectarian sections at the other end of the political spectrum are reluctant to concretely approach the national and international realities. They also have no alternative to the grave danger the country is confronting today.

3.iv)     It is in this context that the urgency of concretely putting forward the idea of independent left assertion with that of building up a people’s alternative as two inseparable components becomes imperative. At the realm of parliamentary politics, defeating the BJP in the forthcoming general election has become the central question today. While acknowledging that task, as revolutionary left, the task of overthrowing the saffron fascist challenge should not in any way dilute our perspective of an alternative people’s development paradigm against neo-liberal policies initiated and strengthened by the ten-year successive UPA rule which is now speeded up by the BJP regime. That is, while welcoming the defeat of Modi regime, our stand is not for an acknowledgement of the pro-corporate policies led by another combination of ruling class parties.  Therefore, under the banner of a grand alliance against BJP, the indispensable political struggle against neo-liberalism and all its manifestations should not be obliterated. At a time when world imperialism and ruling classes everywhere are engaged in their anti-communist offensive in diverse forms and are denigrating all socialist ideals, the perspective of a people’s alternative with all-round democratization for paving the way towards socialism assumes paramount importance in our political struggle.

3.v)     Therefore, the uncompromising struggle against saffron fascist forces needs to be carried forward uniting with all the genuine secular, democratic and left forces having a principled stand against neoliberal policies. As opposed to the opportunist ruling class alliances,  this alternative capable of bringing about a political and class polarization led by working class, peasantry and all the oppressed will strengthen itself and can more effectively and vigorously lead the struggle against corporate- saffron fascistization. Raising high the banner of this principled and class-oriented political initiative is thus the need of the hour. If such an initiative is not forthcoming at this juncture, when the communist revolutionary forces are not strong enough to lead a nation-wide struggle against neo-liberalism and saffron fascist onslaught, as hitherto experience has time and again proved, it will only marginalize and further weaken the Left both politically and organizationally.  As such, this line of independent self assertion with clear-cut revolutionary political orientation is indispensable for enthusing the broad masses of struggling people in the country and for overcoming the depoliticizing situation propped up by the ruling system.

3.vi)     In resisting and defeating corporate saffron offensive, the effectiveness  of our electoral interventions as communists is inevitably rooted in the ideological and political basis developed through Left’s independent self-assertion. This is to be achieved through sustained people’s resistance struggles and movements for an alternative people’s development paradigm against the neoliberal pro-corporate policies espoused by the ruling classes and their apologists. In building up such a broad movement, the working class, peasantry, women, dalits, adivasis, minorities and all oppressed and toiling sections should be rallied against corporate onslaughts, displacement, caste and communal oppression, violation of democratic rights, environmental degradation, etc. We should be able to coordinate all struggles of different sections fighting fascism albeit for different reasons. Unity in such struggles shall also provide the context for a healthy ideological-political debate among the revolutionary-progressive sections for building up a left-democratic people’s alternative to defeat corporate saffron fascism and neo-liberalism.

3.vii)    In this political task of welding together both parliamentary and  non-parliamentary  forms  of struggles,  the Bhangar resistance movement in West Bengal developing under the political initiative of CPI(ML) Red Star and supported by other likeminded forces offers valuable insights. Support also came from all political parties except TMC and BJP. This movement against power grid has yielded a political atmosphere there enabling all forces fighting the anti-people and repressive policies of both the central and state governments to join together. Backed by this people’s movement, the Committee that stood for the local body election could make an impressive victory in those seats where it could contest. Together with this, the movement has also become a model of resisting the reign of terror unleashed over the people by Mamta regime and its fascist goons. The Bhangar people’s resistance movement unfolds itself the correctness of the political orientation as elucidated in the Program and Path of Revolution of CPI (ML) Red Star.

3.viii)   The Bhangar experience pinpoints towards the possibility of building up people’s movements through appropriate revolutionary intervention according to the concrete conditions of different states in the country. It is a political line combining both electoral and non-parliamentary struggles that we should boldly uphold before the left, democratic and struggling forces in our country.  People organized and politicized through various resistance movements against all forms of corporatization and fascistization can be brought together and linked with the concept of the Mass Political Platform having a common manifesto at appropriate levels. Interactions with all revolutionary, left, democratic and struggling forces are to be carried forward and developed further for evolving a national coordination based on a common manifesto to resist the corporate saffron fascistization at the all India level.

3.ix)     With this comprehensive understanding, as outlined in  Part 3 of the Political Resolution adopted by the 10th Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star, we have to urgently engage in building up Party, strengthening class/mass organizations and peoples movements and developing class struggle. Together with this, using all available means we should go for a resolute ideological-political campaign against imperialism and the ruling system, against corporate-saffron fascism, on the ideological-political questions facing the communist movement today and on the need of developing Marxism-Leninism according to the concrete conditions of our country.  In this background, our Party should actively strive for discussions with all revolutionary, left and democratic forces along with other struggling forces for a national coordination seeking the possibility of drafting a common manifesto to resist and defeat the corporate-communal fascist threat. To facilitate this, all state committees of the Party should take up the task of building up  struggle-based Mass Political Platforms as per the objective situation prevailing at the state level and inspire and enthuse the struggling masses so that these efforts can develop to a Political Alternative at the national level by the time of the 2019 General Election.

3.x)     In the coming days, this political line of our Party resisting corporate saffron fascist forces from the perspective independent left assertion based on a people’s alternative  will strengthen Marxist-Leninist forces on the one hand and, shall impart a powerful boost for all the anti-fascist progressive, democratic and secular forces engaged in the challenging task of defeating the Modi regime on the other.

Defeat Corporate-Saffron Fascist Forces!

Build up People’ Alternative Based on      Independent Left Assertion!

March towards People’s            Democracy and Socialism!

Long Live CPI (ML) Red Star! n

 

Second Martyrs' Day Observed at Bhangar

At the call of JJBPRC (Jomi Jibika Bastutantro O Poribesh Raksha Committee/ Committee for Protection of Land, Livelihood, Ecology and Environment) the second Martyr’s Day was observed on 17th January of this year at Tapoban Maidan in Bhangar, West Bengal. Thousands of committee members worked day and night for over a month to make the day successful. According to the decision of the Central Council of JJBPRC three martyr’s columns were erected across the vast stretch of the struggle area. The first column was erected at Shyamnagar, the place in the northern side of the stretch where Alamgir became a martyr. The second column was erected in Kamarbari where Mafizul became a martyr and the third column was erected in Natunhat where Hafizul was murdered by the goons led by the notorious Trinamool leader Arabul Islam. The Martyr’s Day programme started at 10 ’o clock in the morning with the unveiling of the martyr’s column at Shyamnagar by Comrade Pradip Singh Thakur, veteran central committee member of CPIML (Red Star). Com. Thakur had taken an active role in initiating the Bhangar movement and consequently been arrested in the night of 25th January, 2017 by the state police. He was slapped with UAPA along with comrade Sharmistha Choudhury, another leader of Bhangar movement.

Several thousand people gathered in Shyamnagar. Comrade Alik Chakraborty, the leader of Bhangar movement and spokesperson of JJBPRC, made the introductory speech. Amidst slogans and songs the leaders of the movement, the family members of the martyrs, the central and state leadership of CPIML (Red Star) including Comrade K.N. Ramachandran, the General Secretary of the party and Comrade R. Mansaiyya and Comrade Tuhin Dev, the Politburo members, offered garlands and flowers in the column. Students from Presidency and Jadavpur universities and other institutions offered homage to the martyrs. All the participants vowed to continue the struggle to retain the achievements of the movement.

Then, a huge rally started to proceed towards Kamarbari where the second martyr’s column was unveiled by Comrade Abdul Aziz Mallick, president of JJBPRC. Comrade Sharmistha Choudhury addressed the gathering. Mr Jalaluddin Ahmed, leader of the Welfare Party, addressed the gathering. Next, the giant rally proceeded to Natunhat where the third column was unveiled by Comrade K.N. Ramachandran. The students, Comrade Bandana and her team sang spirited songs. Comrade Biswajit Hazra, leader of MKP and one of the committee members, joined the programme and paid homage. Comrade Alik Chakraborty addressed the gathering. The leaders of some of the associated organizations were also present in the programme.

After a short lunch break a huge public meeting began. Several left leaders like Comrades Sumit Bhattacharya, advocate Bharati Mutsuddi, Dipali Bhattacharya, senior advocate Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya and others attended and spoke in the meeting. They emphasized on the importance of Bhangar movement and the task to continue the struggle through the zigzags of the movement. They criticized the sundry efforts to belittle the Bhangar movement. Eminent writer Kinnar Roy attended and addressed the meeting. Veteran trade unionist and communist leader Comrade Kushal Debnath, one of the conveners of Sanhati Committee, attended the meeting. Comrade Sankar Das, another convener of Sanhati Committee, also spoke in the meeting. Comrade Biswajit Hazra addressed the meeting. He said, Bhangar is a piece of land where the people control the developmental works. It is like a free land of the people. Comrade Basudev Nag Choudhury, the convener of People’s Brigade, addressed the gathering. Comrade Abu, state secretary of Revolutionary Youth Federation of India, Comrade Fatema Bibi, the state committee member of the Party and leader of All India Revolutionary Women’s Organization, Comrade Pradip Singh Thakur from All India Krantikari Kisan Sabha and Comrade R. Manasaiya from Trade Union Centre of India addressed the meeting. JJBPRC leaders like Ahad Ali Mollah, Asura Bibi, Jahanara Bibi, Sattar Molla and many others made speeches reiterating the pledge to hold high the banner of resistance and continue the fight for people’s democracy so that the sacrifice of the martyrs would not be in vain.

Comrade KNR said in his speech that the Bhangar movement had created history by challenging the neoliberal system and put forward an alternative model. He stressed upon the importance to develop a country-wide people’s alternative from the inspiration of Bhangar movement. Comrade Alik coordinated the session while Comrade Sharmistha Choudhury was the last speaker. 

At 7.30 pm the cultural programme began with songs presented by famous mass singer Comrade Asim Giri. Several singers sang and the show was led by Comrade Asim Giri and Comrade Lida Chakraborty. Lida sang some of the mass songs of legendary Hemanga Biswas. Finally, a drama – ‘Adab’ – based on the subject of communal harmony and written by famous communist writer Samaresh Basu was staged by the cultural troop of People’s Brigade. n

 

Our Call: Defeat BJP, Build People’s Alternative!

As the dates for Lok Sabha elections are coming nearer, the Modi-Shah combine, disturbed by growing people’s resentments against the BJP rule, are recklessly indulging in saffronization and de-politicization of the campaign, trying to divert attention from all cardinal socio-economic-political issues. By pressurizing the Supreme Court to hand over land to start the temple construction at Ayodhya before the elections, its aim is to foment communal strife in its name. Utilizing enormous funds, and modern technological possibilities, they have launched a no-holds-barred campaign. In this situation, defeat corporate-saffroen fascist forces, defeat BJP, has become the central slogan today.

But, the opposition parties are not prepared to change their past policies. They  raise anti-Modi slogans, only to benefit from the growing anti-Modi anger among the masses. They are pursing soft Hindutva to combat BJP, and promoting casteist agenda. They are also loyal to neo-liberalism and had no hesitation to vote for the 10% economic reservation move of Modi.  They do not put forward even a reformist alternative program.

As far as CPI(M) and the Left Front/LDF parties under its leadership are  concerned, they have degenerated as a social democratic combine, pursuing  neoliberal policies wherever they come to power. In spite of severe setbacks to the communist movement at global level, and to themselves in W. Bengal and Tripura after decades in power, they pursue the very same neoliberal policies in Kerala. In each and every issue, the LDF government in Kerala is disappointing the left masses. In the name of opposing the saffron fascist forces they align with Congress and other opposition parties, devoid of any alternative to offer.

It is in this context, the 11th Congress of CPI(ML) Red Star has called for a resolute ideological-political campaign against the reactionary ruling system, against corporate-saffron fascism.  With this perspective, it is holding discussions with revolutionary, left and democratic forces and other struggling forces for a national coordination based on common manifesto to resist and defeat the corporate-communal fascist threat. While fielding as many candidates as possible in areas where we have mass base, all state committees have taken up the task of building struggle-based Mass Political Platforms according to the objective situation prevailing at the state level, to inspire the struggling masses. Our aim is to develop a Political Alternative at the national level.

This political line of our Party calls for strengthening independent left assertion which shall provide powerful boost to oust Modi rule, and to lead the people towards alternative path of development and democratization.

 

Modi Government Reduces Budget Presentation to an Election Stunt.

Amidst allegations of tampering and budget leakage, the interim budget presented to Lok Sabha by Piyush Goyal, acting finance minister, who is BJP’s treasurer and hence more close to corporate businesses, has unfolded it as an election speech. For the first time in India’s budget history, the BJP has earned another notoriety of presenting a budget not preceded by the usual Economic Survey for fear of people’s wrath as report on India’s unemployment rate hitting a 45-year high has already come out. After drowning and hiding data from government’s own official statistical sources, Goyal was entrusted with the task of indulging in doctored data to draw out a rosy macro-economic picture based on which he went on a wanton announcement on a series of big-bang sops whose validity is only for a few months as the new government that comes to power after the election is constitutionally bound to go through a full-fledged budget-making process.

Absence of an Economic Survey, that would have depicted the sorry state of the economy resulting from the biggest-ever scam called demonetization, super-imposition of anti-federal GST and so on,   was used by Goyal to announce a number of populist schemes addressed to peasants, urban middle class taxpayers and unorganised sectors without any requisite financial backing, even as the outlay for defence is being crossed the Rs. 3 lakh crore for the first time. While the income tax exemptions granted to middle classes have been positively responded by market forces as is evidenced from the shooting up of the Sensex, vested interests are deliberately ignoring the decline in total direct collection as a proportion of total tax. This is shows that tax burden is increasingly borne by the vast majority of toiling people through GST and other neoliberal steps while wealth and income are concentrating with the super-rich.

Modi regime has effectively made use of the advantage of an interim budget by freely announcing several mega welfare schemes without resorting to making any new ultra-rightist policy initiatives. While the foundations of the economy are shaken due to the unhindered corporate plunder and concomitant corruption of the last five years,and workers and peasants are rising up and such program as “Make in India” are in shambles, and when the entire North-East and people of Kashmirare simmering with discontent, the interim budget has tried to camouflage all such grave issues with bogus claims and several big giveaways.

We appeal to the workers, peasants, youth, students and all oppressed including women, dalits, adivasis and minorities to rise up and expose this farce that is enacted on the backs of people in the guise of the interim budget and unite to defeat the corporate saffron forces in the forthcoming election.

 

2019 Lok Sabha Elections: CPI (ML) Red Star’s Appeal

The great  Naxalbari uprising, putting forward agrarian revolution with the slogan land to the tiller, and upholding national liberation and democratic revolution took place in 1967 in the course of fierce ideological struggle against the reformist and opportunist positions of CPI and later the CPI(M). It was followed by the formation of CPI(ML) in 1969. However, due to the left adventurist line it took due to wrong analysis of the Indian situation and fierce state repression, the movement had to face severe reverses in the beginning.  It was through   uncompromising struggle exposing the degeneration of CPI and CPI(M) to ruling class positions, and consistently taking positions against left adventurism that CPI(ML) Red Star could evolve as a struggling revolutionary organization over decades. Meanwhile, Party’s efforts to apply Marxist-Leninist theory and practice according to concrete conditions have enabled it to have more clarity and understanding on the postwar neocolonial international and Indian situation in the proper perspective.  In continuation to numerous struggles and movements led by the Party in different parts of the country including great sacrifices inspiring the toiling and oppressed, the Bhangar people’s movement has become a breakthrough. It has opened immense possibilities for developing people’s movements at different levels according to the concrete situation.

CPI (ML) Red Star has been consistently fighting against neoliberal policies since their very inception, even while the CPI (M) led Left Front has become adherents of neo-liberalism along with other ruling class parties. While resolutely fighting against the anti-people, pro-corporate, reactionary policies of successive Congress-led and BJP-led governments, the party took specific initiative for launching agrarian struggles with the land to the tiller slogan, while  forming the Caste Annihilation Movement envisaging basic democratization of the Indian society. It has been in the forefront resisting Modi’s ultra-rightist economic polices like demonetization and GST. Together with all progressive-democratic forces and the oppressed, it is now campaigning against the Economic Reservation of Modi that has undermined the caste-based reservation in India.

The CPI (ML) is contesting the Lok Sabha elections fielding candidates in most of the states based on the Election Manifesto, which shall be published in the first week of March. It calls for building a People’s Alternative against all ruling class alternatives. At a time when the corporate-saffron stranglehold in its diverse reactionary manifestations is intensifying day by day, building-up the people’s alternative based on this Manifesto uniting all genuine left, patriotic, democratic, secular, oppressed sections and forces assumes great significance. 

The CPI (ML) appeals to the working class, the landless-poor peasants and agricultural workers, to all other toiling masses and the patriotic democratic secular forces to rally for building this People’s Alternative.

 

* Defeat Corporate Saffron Fascist Forces!

* Build up People’ Alternative based on Independent Left Assertion!

 

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