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You are here: Home / 2021 / Resolution of the NCP (Mashal) on the Current Political Situation of Nepal

Resolution of the NCP (Mashal) on the Current Political Situation of Nepal

NCP (Mashal) Nepal Communist Party (Mashal), April 2021


(Passed by the meeting of the Central Committee of the NCP(Masal) held from February 28 to March 2, 2021 BS)

  1. The Nepal Communist Party (Masal) has welcomed the restoration of the dissolved parliament by the Supreme Court. Prime Minister KP Oli’s government move to violate the constitution has been defeated and the struggle of the Nepali people has won. We would like to thank all the political forces, organizations, civil societies, law experts, media and the people who fought against dissolution of the parliament and restoration of that.


  1. The NCP (Masal) had strongly opposed the dissolution of the parliament, calling it unconstitutional, undemocratic, authoritarian and retrogressive act. Because of to this action of the Oli government, our party had decided to withdraw its support given to the CPN government led by Oli formerly. Such a decision on our part does not imply that it was not right for us to support the government in the past. Such a support on our part to the Oli government was based on the fact that it had favored republicanism, secularism and in some cases nationalism too. Unfortunately, due to the unconstitutional and retrogressive steps taken by the Oli government this time, we had to withdraw our support for it; and it is clear that the approach of withdrawing such support in the changed circumstances is correct.


  1. Our party immediately opposed such a move by the Oli government and our legal front and grassroots organizations struggled nationwide, protesting the dissolution of parliament and demanding the restoration of the dissolved parliament. Almost all political forces opposed the dissolution of the parliament while some of them just opposed the dissolution of the vacant parliament refraining from any action for the restoration of that. However, we tried our best to have unity-in-action with various political parties or groups to the extent of having common understanding.

  2. The dissolved parliament has been restored. But we have no doubt of it that the restoration of the parliament would not solve the basic problem of the people. Eventually, the genuine solution to the people's concern will come solely after the end of the existing semi-feudal and semi-colonial system and the establishment of a new democratic system. To achieve that goal we require a prolonged revolutionary struggle. While trying to prepare ground for the strategical goal, for the time being we also have responsibility to fight and protect the achievements gained by the democratic and leftist movements of the country. Such achievements incorporate a multi-party system, constitution, republicanism and secularism.


  1. All the above mentioned accomplishments have been achieved through the long struggle and sacrifice of the people against the autocratic rule, monarchy and retrogression.Retrogressive forces are attacking from all sides to end those accomplishments. If their efforts succeed, the country will slip towards regression. To prevent this from happening, we need to fight at the forefront to protect those accomplishments, and our party has been pursuing such approaches continuously and firmly.


  1. Due to the role of various imperialist powers, there is a serious threat to the nationality, sovereignty and integrity of the nation. The activities of some separatist forces of the country have too caused serious harm to national issues. Therefore, the Nepali people need to adopt a high level of vigilance and struggle to defend the country's nationality, sovereignty and integrity.


  1. Federalism has also become a serious issue of the nation. Due to that, a situation of regional and racist conflict and national disintegration has been created in the country. In fact, federalism is not the result of Nepal's national need or the movement of the Nepali people, but the result of a well-planned strategy by foreign powers to achieve their imperialist or expansionist objectives in Nepal. Racism is also becoming a serious issue in the country. Therefore, in order to protect the nationality, sovereignty and integrity of the country, serious attention needs to be paid to the abolition of federalism and to save the country from the threat of racism.


  1. The parliament has been restored. Along with the restoration of the parliament, new types of political and constitutional problems are likely to emerge in the country. Prior to the split, the CPN had a majority in the parliament; as of now, no single party has a majority in the parliament. Because of that, the position of the NC has reached a critical stage. At present, both sides of the CPN are trying to support the NC and seeking support from the Madhesi party as well. However, it is clear that the NC or the Madhesi will support them on their own terms and conditions. Such a situation in the country has emerged because of the split of CPN.


  1. The infighting within the CPN has not yet reached its peak up till now. How will it end? It is difficult to assume at this moment. It will be clear along with the development of events. Different political approaches have been adopted on the infighting within the CPN. In the first place, we from the very beginning held the view that infighting within the CPN would not worsen the organization of it (CPN) only, but would affect the entire politics, republic, nationality and secularism of the country. The subsequent political instability will be exploited by reactionary forces within the country or by foreign imperialist powers. Therefore, we have been stressing the need to resolve the internal disputes within the CPN in a lawful manner. Secondly, those who want to end the republic and secularism of Nepal and create a situation of political instability in the country, were energized by the growing infighting within the CPN and were content with the dissolution of parliament. They will do their utmost to utilize the current volatile political situation after the restoration of the dissolved parliament too to end multi-party system, republicanism, secularism and even nationality to fulfill their regressive objectives.

  2. US imperialism is making every effort to implement MCC in Nepal. The reason behind it is to bring Nepal under the Indo-Pacific Strategy in order to strengthen anti-China front in whole Indo-Pacific area. It also wants to use Nepal's territory against Tibet. If such US policies succeeded, Nepal will be a partner of the US military camp and Nepal's non-aligned foreign policy will come to an end. This will lead to the establishment of the US military base in Nepal and Nepal will become the center of the Cold War.

Indian imperialism also wants to maintain its continuous predominance in Kalapani, Lipulek, and Limpiyadhura, to make Nepal a Hindu nation and to restore the monarchy, and furthermore to cut Nepal - China's friendly relations. It is clear that all the imperialist countries, including the United States and India, will attempt to utilize the unstable political situation in the country even after the restoration of the parliament in favor of their imperialist objectives. On the other hand, despite the fact that China is an imperialist country, it has been pursuing a policy of opposing the imperialist approaches of the United States or India with respect to Nepal. Therefore, it is clear that the friendly relations of Nepal with China will have a positive significance for Nepal. In any case, for a similar explanation, the Indian and Western imperialist countries have been utilizing all their power to end the friendly relations with China and for that; they have been putting pressure on various political forces and the government of Nepal.

  1. The dissolved parliament has been re-established but the position of CPN is not clear enough. It is not clear whether it is intact or divided? In spite of the fact that it is politically divided legally it is not divided yet. The Election Commission has not yet given a decision on the matter. Such a position of the CPN could add further problems or complications to the work of the parliament. Both sides of the CPN are trying to strengthen their position by acquiring the support of the NC or Madhisbadis. Within the NC, the pro-Hindu nation and pro-monarchy elements have a lot of influence. They are also in favor of supporting the MCC and meeting some of the separatist demands of the Madhesbadis. In that case, in order to win the support of the NC or the Madhesbadis, both fractions of the CPN will have to go through a compromising approach to their political lines, which in the long run could be suicidal for the entire country and the people, and the CPN itself too.


  1. We have consistently discussed the possibility of inflaming the republic and secularism in the current political situation in the country. In these questions, it is clear that there is a threat from the royalist forces on the one hand and the hardline Hindu ruling class of India on the other. But we also need to pay attention to the fact that some leftist forces in the country are attacking the multi-party system, the constitution and the republic from revolutionary point of view. Their aim is to focus on the struggle against the existing parliamentary or multi-party system, republic and constitution by declaring them reactionary ones. At the same time, they reject the need to fight the growing threat of retrogression in the country. It is certain that their approach will directly or indirectly help regression and their (reactionary forces') are attacking the republic and secularism. These leftist forces have adopted such a view due to some misguided ideological understanding. This seems to have been largely due to a misunderstanding of the correlation of strategy and tactics. They have put forward a new democratic republic or socialism as an immediate course of action. The serious weakness in their understanding lies in the fact that they have presented the strategy as an immediate course of action. Even if they take the new democracy or socialism strategically, they should determine the course of action by analyzing the current concrete situation. Had they taken such an approach, they would have been able to take the right approach in the defense of the republic and secularism and would have taken correct line to struggle against the retrograde threat and to defend republic and secularism. However, due to misconception of strategy and tactics, they have failed to embrace the right course of action and knowingly or unknowingly are helping the struggle of retrogressive forces against republic and secularism together with the whole multi-party system or the achievement of the democratic and leftist movement of the country.


  1. New democratic republics or socialism are strategic aspects. In this context, we would also like to make it clear that in the current context of Nepal, we have a fundamental kind of ideological difference with the idea of presenting socialism as a basic program or strategy. In a country like ours, semi-feudal and semi-colonial country, socialism can be our strategy only after the end of feudal and colonial conditions on the one hand and, on the other hand, high industrial development. But such an objective basis for socialism has not been prepared in Nepal. Therefore, considering the current semi-feudal and semi-colonial situation in Nepal, the new democratic revolution can be adopted as the correct strategic program. So while socialism is our long-term goal, to present it as an immediate strategic program is wrong and misleading thinking and that will lead our movement in the wrong direction. Now, we do not want to engage in more theoretical discussions on the subject. To adopt socialism and neo-democratic revolution as tactical line and inability to flow correct tactical line according to concrete situation has resulted in repeated "leftist" or sectarian mistakes in the communist movement in Nepal and all over the world. In that context, we also have the example of the former CPN (UML) or Maoists of Nepal.


  1. The former CPN (UML) and the Maoists had made outrageous "leftist" mistakes and later turned to the right-wing revisionist direction. At present, various factions, mainly separated from former Maoist, are again trying to advance the same ideas that have been proved wrong by history and the movement of Nepal. They have not yet taken the path of extremist "leftist" deviation, but the extremist "leftist" mistakes of the Maoist of past days are behind the ideas of presenting their strategy as a course of action for the time being. As a result, they are not able to understand the importance of the multi-party system and the republic, which are of progressive importance in the current historical and national situation of Nepal from a tactical point of view. Even if such approach is presented in a revolutionary way, it is clear that it will ultimately serve regression minimizing the importance of the movement against that (retrogression). Therefore, we have to criticize their misleading views. But at the same time, we have to maintained our approach of working together with them on MCC, Kalapani, Lipulek, Limpiyadhura and various issues related to nationality and livelihood by reaching maximum consensus with them and joining the joint movement and we will continue our efforts in that direction.


  1. Parliamentary systems or republics (Constitutional Monarchy in Britain) have been established in Western countries and even in India. In the past, even in the West, the reactionary forces have repeatedly tried to end the parliamentary system or republic and have succeeded in doing so in many times. Therefore, there was a need to fight against regression at that time. Parliamentary systems or republics have now been established in those countries. So, the need to struggle against has been the matter of history. But the historical situation of Nepal is completely different, where the reactionary forces are still working to over through the multi-party system or the republic. The events of counter-revaluations of 1960 and 2003 are worth mentioning (in both cases the king Mahendra and Gyanandra had taken powers in their hands smashing the parliamentary system). The trends of the same type are emerging in the present day too in Nepal. In this situation, the struggle against the reactionary forces for the defense of multi-party system, republic or secularism in Nepal has become a historical and national necessity. The threat has become even more serious as the Hindu fundamentalist of India are working in collaboration with them.


  1. In such a background our party has adopted a policy of emphasizing for the defense of the multi-party system, republic or secularism while together with it trying to prepare the conditions for a new democratic revolution strategically. The Eighth Party Congress of our party has taken a similar decision. Even after the Eighth Party Congress, reactionary forces have been increasing their activities to over throw the multi-party system, republic and secularism. In such situation, the struggle against the retrogressive threat has become a matter of serious national importance. Any kind of wrong policy or negligence will have serious and far-reaching consequences in the country. Considering upon the serious threat on the part of retrogressive forces, the erroneous thinking appearing in one or another way in some of the leftist forces is a matter of grave concern of ours and we offer friendly advice to correct that kind of thinking, otherwise they will have to stand into the custody of history.


17. What is the main contradiction of Nepal today? The approach taken by some leftist forces in this regard has not gone in the correct path. Nepal is now in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country and, therefore, in the phase of a new democratic revolution. In this stage of revolution internal contradiction with feudalism should be taken as major one together with the contradiction with the imperialism outwardly. But, in the current situation of Nepal, some leftist organizations are minimizing the contradiction with the feudalism and they have taken contradiction with the comprador bourgeoisie as the major one. It is true that the comprador bourgeoisie is also developing in the country and the contradiction with it is also intensifying. But in the country, which is in the stage of semi-feudal and semi-colonial or new democratic revolution, it is wrong conception to minimize the contradiction with the feudalism and such a misconception is certain to weaken the whole basis of the new democratic revolution.


  1. Due to the erroneous views of some leftist forces on contradiction with the feudalism, they have neglected the threat of political regression and adopted the wrong approach of concentrating attack on the multi-party system and ultimately upon the republic. As a result, in the current political situation of the country, they have taken the wrong approach in the political line. In a past the former Maoists had reached on the policy of undeclared solidarity with the King and had adopted a strategy of attacking the multi-party system. Because of such a policy, they had assassinated or kidnaped large number of cadres of various political parties including UMLA, Nepali Congress and Mashal too who were in favor of multi-party system and were struggling against the direct rule of the monarchy. The Maoists later corrected their line and joined the struggle against regression, which also led to the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of a republic. Now some leftist forces seem to be trying to follow the old type of Maoist approach and the result being their main attack upon the multi-party system overlooking the struggle against feudalism and danger of royalists capturing the power. Needless to say, their intentions behind such a policy might be revolutionary, but in practice ultimately the result will be the 'service' of regression.


  1. The Eighth Congress of our party has made it clear that contradiction with feudalism and Indian imperialism is principle one. We have now adopted a policy of giving equal emphasis on the movement of both democracy and nationality.


  1. Some leftist organizations have declared the CPN as a reactionary and enemy force. The Eighth Congress of our party rejects such a political analysis and has analyzed that it is a patriot, democrat and leftist organization as it represents petty bourgeoisies class. But it has deviated from the path of Marxist –Leninist principle and has been turned into right revisionist one, it cannot be taken as a communist party. But in the same time, it is wrong idea to take it as an enemy force representing feudal, comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie. Such a view is certain to put a friendly force to the camp of enemy class and that is a "left" sectarian view. No doubt it (CPN) adopts compromising approach towards feudalism, bureaucratic and comprador bourgeoisie or various imperialist powers. But, as basically it represents patty bourgeoisie class, and it will be wrong idea to take it as a representative of reactionary class. Therefore, we have adopted a policy of 'Unity-Struggle-Unity' against towards that.


  1. It is clear that after the restoration of the parliament, both the USA and India will use parliament to further their imperialist interests. They will use all their power to form a government according to their interests. The immediate interest of the USA is to bring Nepal under the US Indo-Pacific strategy. For that, they will use all their power to get the MCC passed by the parliament and will try to form a government by uniting the political forces supporting that (MCC). It is well known that Oli, NC, Madhesis and RPP (are royalist organization) are already in favor of MCC. It will not be an astonishing if an alliance of Oli, NC, Madheswadi and RPP is formed to achieve that objective. Everyone except, Oli had formed an alliance before the general election and were defeated by an alliance of the former UML and the Maoists. In the changed situation now, the possibility has alternated that the previous equation will change and the imperialist powers, including Oli, will take the initiative to form a government by uniting all these parties. However, before reaching any conclusions about it, it will be necessary to study how events develop.

  2. Numerous US policies or plans have failed in the past due to various turns of events or movements in the country. Due to that, a different reformed government can also be established rather than the US’s expectations. In that case, many of the US's current plans may fail. The possibility of different equations being formed in the parliament and the governments being formed or reconstituted will likewise stay open. In that process, what sort of condition will be formed between Prachanda and Madhav? It is not possible to imagine the result now, however, they also seem to have taken the initiative to gain the support of US or Indian imperialism in order to come to power, in accordance with their public statements. In the past, we have had serious struggles with the former UML and the Maoists, and in some cases, we had to struggle more with the Maoists than with the UML. However, due to the reactionary steps of the Oli government, we had adopted a policy of cooperating with the Prachanda-Madhav fraction in the movement against the desolation of the parliament by Oli government. But, the possibility of a re-conflict with them if their policy goes wrong in the new situation later cannot be ruled out. At the final step, a policy of either supporting or opposing them depends on different changes that surface on the policies adopted by the political parties, in particular political situation. We have been pursuing the same policy in the past and will continue to do so in the future. We are clear that our policy towards the Prachanda-Madhav faction will be based on the policy adopted by them. Our policy always has been best such a policy and so will pursue in coming days too. We shall do our best to have broad unity in the wider immediate national interests of the country, multi-party system, republic, nationality and secularism, and organize a strong people's movement in on the basis of that.


  1. Our Party has always been on the movement of protecting republic, nationality and secularism, fighting against federalism and corruption. Even after the restoration of the parliament, we will continue to pursue that approach. At the same time, we will also stick with our policy to unite and organize the people widely and move their movement forward by taking the demands of workers, farmers, women, marginalized communities, Dalits, migrant Nepalese or any other exploited, oppressed and backward masses, regions, etc. Corruption and violence against women, rape and murder in particular are now serious problems in the country. Therefore, we need to pay special attention to the struggle against them. We will push for that both inside and outside the parliament, but our main emphasis has always been to organize people movement outside parliament. After the restoration of the parliament, our party's policies or programs might change according to changes in the political situations of the country and changes in the policies and programs of the various political parties.


  1. We have already been emphasizing that the dispute or split of the NCP is not only an internal matter of them, but will have serious repercussions on the politics of the whole country. Even after the reclamation of the parliament, the negative impact of the split within the NCP is likely to be felt in the country's politics in various ways. Due to the split, it has become difficult to get majority for any party to form government in the parliament and various reactionary forces both domestic and foreign have the opportunity to interfere. How long will such an uncertainty situation last? It would be too early to comment on that. However, it is not difficult to anticipate that the split in the NCP and the subsequent developments will prompt to serious political instability in the country. It is evident that the multi-party system, republic, nationalism, secularism, and people's lives will be seriously jeopardized. In order to prevent such a situation from arising, dismantling the cause of the current situation is the right solution; that is, the reunification of the CPN. It would be wrong to assume that all the problems of the country will be solved properly after that. However, prevention or control can be expected from it to improve the immediate disorder.


  1. The unification of the CPN is not as easy as it needs to be in the current political situation of the country. For that, two minimum conditions must be met: Firstly, Oli's resignation. Secondly, decision should be taken on the internal disputes of CPN concerning the leadership of the organization or government by democratic method. In that case, the current situation of political instability due to the rift within CPN and the opportunity for domestic and foreign reactionary forces to play will be controlled to some extent. With such unity, the problems, complexities, bargaining, etc. that have arisen within the parliament can be stopped, at least temporarily. But if that does not happen, it is inevitable that the entire country will move in the direction of a serious constitutional and political crisis and will have a serious impact on people's lives. This is what all the domestic and foreign reactionary forces want, and for that, they want to increase the misunderstanding within the CPN and the situation of political instability in the country. In this background, all the leaders and cadres of the now divided CPN between Oli and Prachanda-Madhav factions should come forward in favor of unification and that task should be completed.


  1. We have already made it clear that Oli is mainly responsible for the split of CPN. The fact that other fractions of the CPN have also made various kinds of political or organizational mistakes cannot be denied. But the main question at hand is who is responsible for the split within the CPN ? But Oli's repeated refusal to accept his party's constitution, legal process, or even a majority decision created a rift. That rift within the CPN has caused a lot of damage to the country. Even if the parliament is reconstituted, it will take a long time to repair the damage caused by that. Oli is the biggest obstacle for the unification of the CPN now, he will not resign easily and he might go against his organization, constitution, republic and nationality for his personal gain. It is not difficult to understand that from the working style he has been adopting until now. But we have this definite view, and we reiterate that for Oli's departure – the most respectable exit possible and the unification of the CPN are crucial for the political interests of not only the CPN but of the country as a whole. That will be in the interest of the entire country and the people, and also of the CPN itself. But that doesn't mean that there are no other options available or we should be disappointed. In the end, the decisive force is the people. Therefore, we firmly believe that it is possible to stop regression and move forward by relying on the people.



Communist Party of Nepal (Masal)

Central Office





Concluding remarks

After the meeting of the CC of our party adopted this proposal, many changes have taken place in the country. In a case The Supreme Court has given the verdict that the CPN would be divided in their two parties, the CPN(UMLA) and CPN(Maoist Centre) as they existed before the unification of them. Such a decision of the Supreme Court is wonderful and has been criticized by almost all law experts of the country. However we shall not go further on the backgrounds, motives or causes of such a decision of the SC. The matter that concerns us at present is now out of the former CPN, two separate organizations have come into existence. The reactionary forces of both within country and outside had been wishing of the split of CPN and the Supreme Court has fulfilled their wishful thinking.


In spite of such a change in the organizational form of the CPN the situation remains basically the same as it was before. Beside the formation of two political organizations out of former CPN, the UMLA has again been divided into two fractions, a group under the leadership of Oli and other group under the leadership of Madav Nepal and Jhalanath Khanal, two former Prime Ministers of the country. As a result of that now even after the restoration of the parliament no party is in a position to gain majority and form the government without the support of both Nepali Congress and Madesh Badi organizations. Needless to mention, to gain the support of those parties or organizations any of the group of the former CPN will have to accept the political condition put forth by them. In such a situation, it is obvious the republic, nationality, secularism and integrity of the country will in danger.


We again hold the view and emphasize on it that the immediate solution for such a critical situation of the country is unification of the various fractions of the former CPN minus KP Sharma Oli. But it is very difficult task to fulfill. However, it is also crystal clear that in case such a task is not fulfilled, both domestic and foreign forces will come forward and the situation of the country will be very critical one. The possibility of monarchy being restored Nepal being turned into a Hindu Nation, US Imperialism to succeed to bring Nepal under the Indo Pacific Strategy, Indian Imperialism to establish its sway over the land it has annexed of Nepal, Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiodhara cannot be ruled out it seems that Oli government is being pawn in the hands of all domestic and foreign reactionary forces to fulfill all their retrogressive imperialist interests. In totality, the situation in Nepal is very critical. However, we are convinced of it that the revolutionary democratic and patriotic forces of the country would not let the reactionary forces both with in the country and outside to go forward uninterrupted.

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