«On January 10th, we issued a statement declaring that the alternative to imperialism is embedded within the very heart of the Islamic Republic; for imperialism has only succeeded in orchestrating coups and installing puppet regimes to counter the threat of communism by relying on the internal bourgeoisie of a given country. We announced then that the intent of imperialism in Iran is to transform the ‹crisis of capitalism› into a “crisis of managing the crisis of capitalism.”

Recent remarks by Trump, as a representative of imperialism, have validated the arguments presented in the Orthodox Marxist Committee’s January 10th statement. The key point in his speech was the directive issued to the Revolutionary Guard (IRGC), the Army, and the security and armed forces of the Islamic Republic. He emphasized that these forces must lay down their arms; as they have previously sought judicial immunity, they must now peacefully integrate with ‹Iranian patriots.›

Trump’s actions are conditioned by the conduct of the Islamic Republic’s representatives within global capitalist relations and are not merely voluntaristic. This constitutes a diplomatic baptism and full immunity for the IRGC granted by imperialism; their contracts and properties in the ‹New Iran› will be respected, provided they pledge their loyalty to U.S. imperialism instead of other members of the capitalist village.»

In the logic of imperialism and its reactionary domestic lackeys—who oppose any structural transformation from below (by the proletariat)—the Revolutionary Guard (IRGC) is a key capitalist institution that holds the lifeblood of the economy, oil, and the intelligence network. This institution is the sole representative of the ‹squeezed bourgeoisie› in Iran, capable of completing Trump’s mission without a protracted war or global market disruption. The security apparatus of capital’s dominance must shed its skin like a snake—while figures like Reza Pahlavi have been pre-groomed and the naive have been misled—to display its subservience to the world under the guise of ‹patriotism.›

In this regard, on February 27, 2026 (9 Esfand 1404), the Islamic Republic’s Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, expressed a desire to reduce tensions and declared readiness to resume talks with the United States. A precedent for this behavior was seen in Egypt, where the military, acting as an arm of suppression, twice declared solidarity with the people to contain the crisis of capitalism. By sacrificing Mubarak and subsequently overthrowing Morsi, they ultimately brought Sisi to power in 2014, who continues to exploit the Egyptian working class until today.

«The media’s comparison of Iran to Libya, emphasizing the old deception that ‹there is no organized force in Iran,› is entirely fallacious. Libya lacked that authoritative apparatus of dominance that Trump recognizes in the IRGC—an apparatus necessary to prevent the country from turning into a laboratory for war capitalism. Imperialism may eliminate ‹heads,› but it preserves the core of the ‹structure of repression and economic monopoly› that it requires.

Today, it has been announced that the new leaders of the Islamic Republic desire dialogue. The IRGC and Army henchmen, who until now fueled crises by launching missiles and inciting jihad’s groups, are now the best-positioned institution to transform into the ‹opposition.› Especially while we—within our two underground apparatuses and our proletarian arm (the Commission of Oil, Gas, Petrochemical, and Mining Engineers)—have yet to deliver the final blow to the regime, the IRGC cadre can prevent disruptions in global markets. This body, following the orders of its commander in America, must shed its ‹clerical› skin, don the garb of ‹patriotism,› and by co-opting our years of organized struggle and the blood of the martyrs—especially the nameless ones—preempt a social revolution from below and the victory of communism. Furthermore, by preventing the rise of oil prices and inflation that threaten U.S. GDP growth, they will pin the medal of victory on Trump’s chest, ensuring his triumph in the competition against China and Russia.

«The IRGC cadre, as the alternative of imperialism, is tasked with preventing the shocks of a prolonged regional war from hitting the global capitalist economy; for in a state of war, central banks like the Federal Reserve are forced to raise interest rates to curb inflation. This war, which stands in contradiction to class struggle, has impacted the gas market, while the insecurity or potential closure of the Strait of Hormuz has further exacerbated the situation, even driving up maritime insurance costs.

While upstream oil cartels profit from rising prices, such an occurrence acts as a nightmare for downstream industries. Since major cartels are typically active in both sectors, an excessive surge in global crude prices does not serve their interests. Furthermore, capitalist governments usually impose ‹windfall taxes› on oil cartels during periods of inflation and rising fuel prices to reclaim surplus profits and counter public discontent; this is a development currently causing significant complications in the United Kingdom and the European Union.

Oil cartels that own upstream and downstream industries in both offshore and onshore territories are not satisfied with excessive price hikes, as the consumer’s purchasing power decreases. To date, this war has disrupted the supply of vital energy from the Middle East in ways that have been unprecedented in recent decades. History well remembers the 1973 oil shock, when Arab countries cut off the oil supply and created a global recession. Today, the oil weapon operates far more powerfully than at that time, and its first victims are the world’s oil and gas industry workers. Faced with the rising price of basic commodities and transportation costs, particularly in downstream industries, these workers are confronting the risk of downsizing and layoffs.

According to reports from the founders of the Commission of Oil, Gas, Petrochemical, and Mining Engineers, as attacks on Iran began, oil and gas industry workers are facing a dire situation where they must purchase bread and medicine using a currency that loses value by the hour, even as global oil prices surge and the rial collapses. Oil field projects in both offshore and onshore territories have been suspended, and colleagues across most production stages—who already faced extremely low wages or months of unpaid salary—are now unable to afford basic commodities even if they have cash, as distribution-sector wages do not match «wartime prices.” The majorities of the commission’s proletarian members, who are at the very base of energy production and form the industry’s vital artery—considered the command center of social revolution—have been forced to relocate due to war conditions. Technical maintenance and repair specialists have sought refuge in shelters to protect their families, making the continuation of technical activities impossible. Facilities are being set on fire in air strikes, similar to the 1991 Gulf War, and the «productive army» is being brutally destroyed. This environment has created severe obstacles for strike organizing by experienced oil industry leaders and members. While the commission is mandated to support its members through «worker funds» established previously for strike organization, it is unclear how long this financial capacity will last, as the commission’s primary leaders are under intense pressure and organized class consciousness cannot fill empty stomachs forever.

«If the oil fields fall silent and financial resources run dry, organized workers will face hunger and forced unemployment alongside the threat of missiles—a situation imposed by the state as the largest employer, imperialist forces in competition with other members of global capitalism, and subservient groups who have beaten the drums of sanctions and war for years. The members of the Commission and the drilling workers are no longer ‹producers›; they are transforming into a massive, unemployed, and hungry social force. Brutal war shatters the organized labor force and reduces our struggle, which has organized numerous strikes, from a ‹guild-class movement› to a ‹struggle for survival.›

While the criminal legacy of the Pahlavis, the MEK in Albania and Paris, and other groups beautify their image through campaigns, alliances, and propaganda—hosting international gatherings with broker senators—and others hold theatrical roundtables on media outlets like ‹International› featuring analysts who were once high-ranking officials of the Islamic Republic, the organized struggle within the working class of the most vital industries (oil, gas, petrochemicals, and mining) faces massive explosions and absolute starvation. Now, the leaders of the Commission are forced to spend the funds collected for strike organization to feed members who were nurtured for the leadership of the social revolution through heartfelt effort and secret home meetings, right under the nose of the Ministry of Petroleum and security forces.

We reiterate that the Commission of Oil, Gas, Petrochemical, and Mining Engineers has at least one public representative within the oil and gas industry in Iran. A senior petroleum engineer and one of the Commission’s founders—an innovative organizer who, unlike those who took shield in disgrace across the borders, seeks a name as great as the leadership of class struggle organization in the history of Iran and the Middle East without a shield. This Commission is the organizer of strikes in the oil, gas, petrochemical, and mining industries, including the ‹Siri Strike› and ‹South Pars›; strikes that were previously announced unofficially but explicitly, and are well-known even to the leaders of the Iranian political parties abroad.

«A senior oil industry engineer and one of the founders—acting in accordance with the Commission’s policies and in opposition to the production and reproduction of ‹virtual councils› abroad (who play no role in the production line)—deliberately established a presence on social platforms years ago by publishing videos of his public presence in the oil fields during work; that is, the only place where it is possible to be observed by and communicate with the leaders of the position.

«In a phone call from Tehran to a supporter of the Orthodox Marxist Committee abroad, it was revealed that news of the massacre and bombing of Iranian cities—now extending to Chabahar in Sistan and Baluchestan—is being censored. Meanwhile, on the second day, attacks have intensified significantly; hundreds of CENTCOM tactical missiles and heavy bombs have been launched toward Tehran, striking hospitals and medical centers (particularly children’s hospitals), emergency medical facilities on Iranshahr Street, universities, hotels, shopping centers, and supermarkets near Mehrabad Airport, as well as residential areas. Massive explosions have occurred in the vicinity of Seyed Khandan, Qasr, Vanak Square, and Motahari Street with the intent of mass civilian casualties. Furthermore, Tabriz University, the Fajr Jam Refinery, oil and energy infrastructure in Jafir, and commercial airlines have been targeted.

«Despite the likelihood that the political and media mafia will once again speak of internet filtering to serve their criminal ‹humanitarian› interests, the truth is that the Irancell and Hamrah-e Aval networks have been disconnected due to missiles striking telecommunications infrastructure, power plants, and electrical substations. These know-it-all ignoramuses and specialists in engineering public opinion forget the simple fact that when hardware is destroyed by missiles, software can do nothing and filtering becomes meaningless.

This is the beginning of a war whose waves have drenched not only Iran, but also Kuwait, Oman, Dubai, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and other regional countries in blood; for the core members of global capitalism are not in agreement on this matter, and China and Russia do not benefit from this situation. Wars across the world are interconnected, and it is understandable even for those who consume the superficial coverage of the BBC, VOA, and International that behind these conflicts lays the escalating confrontation between the United States and China—a contradiction manifested in a trade war aimed at weakening China and subjugating European allies. The eruption of war against us in Iran is inexplicable without understanding these global contradictions.»

«We are an underground organization consisting of two intertwined apparatuses within the most vital industrial sectors—oil, gas, petrochemicals, and mining—organized from both inside and outside the working class. For us, the life or death of Khamenei is no value. As we have previously declared in statements following armed operations or the organization of strikes: Merely denouncing the capitalist leaders in Iran, from Khamenei to the President, and presenting their policies as the sole cause of the crisis, is nothing but a cover-up for the internal contradictions of capital in Iran; this approach is precisely how the bourgeoisie abroad prepares the ground for strategic intervention and facilitates the reproduction of capital in Iran.

«In the analysis of contemporary political trends, we are faced with a type of paradoxical logic: at times, a historical mission naturally linked to the identity of a specific faction is only brought to fruition by the opposing faction. Contemporary history is replete with examples where conservative and hard-line leaders, due to their solid power bases and influence within traditional institutions, have been able to achieve what other far-right currents never dared to approach. Actions such as establishing diplomatic relations with long-standing enemies, granting independence to colonies, begging imperialism, and consuming vast capital to attack us have often been realized by those who were once the most stubborn opponents of such measures. This paradoxical logic holds true for the bourgeois position abroad, headed by the ‹Licking› Mujahedin organization.

In the midst of such a bloody and destructive war, one cannot speak of its end. Perhaps expatriate intellectuals and commentators prattle on about it, but for us who are organized within Iran, this is a dialectical principle: as soon as the ‹dogs of war› are unleashed and the productive forces are physically liquidated, the linear logic of politics collapses under bombardment. As the agency of revolution—who until yesterday were hidden right under the nose of the Ministry of Intelligence, not only for armed operations but since our very founding—we declare: the fools abroad did not understand that the presence of a few committee cadres with voice and image, by the decision of the multi-faceted leadership of the Orthodox Marxist Committee in opposition to so many virtual groups on social platforms, did not mean they were operating publicly within Iran. Today, although the outcome of this devastating war is unclear, we state through a concrete analysis of concrete conditions: the alternative to imperialism is none of the brokers and war profiteers abroad.

The Orthodox Marxist Committee of Iran rejects an absolute stance on war. We examine each war specifically and separately, placing each within its distinct historical context. We oppose pacifists who claim all wars are bad, immoral, and harmful to those involved. These are a historical and moral dogmas detached from material reality. In fact, from our class perspective, rejecting necessary or liberating violence is inherently immoral. The weapon that, for example, our corporals and captains aimed at a Republic agent in the Marzanabad operation is a tool for liberation. That same weapon in the hands of an Israeli soldier aimed at a Palestinian child is a tool for torture and slaughter. An abstract loathing of weapons and violence cannot perceive this truth—only class politics can.

«We view this devastating war primarily as the product of the tactical errors of both the leaders and ourselves. It is a war whose heaviest blows are aimed at the leaders and founders of the two apparatuses—the Orthodox Marxist Committee and the Commission—due to our secret-public-underground structure and the fact that not everything is under our control. The imposition of war by imperialism to compete with other members of global capitalism, within the dialectical relationship between necessity and freedom (our organized action for change), has been forced upon us from the outside and has driven us into an unwanted isolation given our underground structure.

However, the bourgeois tendencies abroad, the brokers of war and destruction, are as guilty in this regard as their rivals in power, the Islamic Republic. This group of ignorant bourgeois-positionists—who for years used the ridiculous deception of ‹Rebel Units› (Kanoon-e Shooresh), mocking and distorting Régis Debray’s theory for their own bourgeois ends—spent vast sums of capital on sanctions and brokering senators in theatrical gatherings against the interests of the working class. This includes other intellectual and left-wing groups who constantly beat the drum of the ‹unconventional› nature of capitalism in Iran, yet practically became enchanted by its dynamics and normalization.

The Commission and the Committee previously explained in a statement that: ‹Imperialist sanctions fueled conditions that a large section of the Iranian bourgeoisie had long dreamed of. The process of capitalist development in Iran has been such that, to further integrate into global markets and make the Iranian economy more competitive, the currency price has experienced staggering increases every few years. The bourgeoisie in Iran, which had initiated a new era of price liberalization through the «Targeting of Subsidies» plan before the sanctions, also utilized currency fluctuations—partly stemming from sanctions—to realize conditions that previously seemed like a dream. No mountain of bleak rhetoric, where they beat their chests for sanctions to overthrow the regime, can cover up this truth. It is that When global markets do not favor Iranian capitalists, the state—much like the U.S. government after the global crisis with its expansionary policies such as increasing the money supply, lowering interest rates, and purchasing mortgage-backed securities—rushes to the aid of capitalism, increasing its share in financing them by boosting liquidity. The process of developing capitalist production in Iran is conditioned not only by its internal limits and structural contradictions but also by the general state of the global economy and the booms or recessions in other countries around the world.

«We have structured our movement within two internal frameworks and concentrated our power upon the industrial working class. We are not ‹comfort-seeking› intellectuals or middle-class pastimes; we are producers and organizers. True liberation has never resulted from ‹capitalist peace negotiations and wars› or ‹exiled brokers (the bourgeois position and the trade of martyrs› images)› and unorganized intellectuals who reject structure and discipline.

History is not made by these hesitant individuals and home-bound intellectuals writing statements; rather, it is shaped by the organized power of the working class and a disciplined political-military apparatus such as our Committee and Commission. Within our internal structure, according to our platform (the Committee’s creed), we have shown and will show no leniency toward our leadership or even ourselves.

When we relay such an overt and bitter statement to those abroad—transmitting the text from one of our centers in Tehran, circuit by circuit, to the depths of Sistan and Baluchestan where our circuits can still utilize foreign mobile network signals to upload documents—we will naturally deal much more bitterly and stingingly with the outside world: with capitalism, political rivals, and the war profiteers and brokers among the Iranian political parties aboard