DeepL translation

Chinese People's Democratic Front

A historic opportunity now exists for the working people of Iran! As with every great revolutionary movement in history, the working masses in Iran must seize this moment, unite, and take state power!

The fundamental question of revolution is the question of state power; which class holds state power decides everything. The January revolution in Iran was brutally suppressed precisely because the masses had not yet formed a strong force capable of seizing state power. State power remained in the hands of Khamenei's reactionary regime—that is, the army and the weapons remained in the hands of Khamenei's reactionary regime. Under these circumstances, the brutal suppression of the Iranian people's democratic movement and the bloody massacre of thousands who threw themselves into the struggle were an inevitable historical tragedy.

Blood and lives are the inevitable price that every revolutionary movement must pay, but they are also the best textbook for the people. The most valuable historical lesson from the bloodshed in January is this: The masses must mobilize more broadly and unite more comprehensively under the unified leadership of revolutionary parties in order to seize state power together. They must also have the courage to immediately build their own armed forces to seize and defend that power!

Now history has once again given the Iranian people a chance for liberation. The conflict between the US, Israel, and Khamenei's reactionary regime has escalated into a war. If the armed forces of the US and Israel crush Khamenei's reactionary regime and eliminate its armed forces, this would provide the Iranian people with the best historical opportunity to unite and seize power. The Iranian people must not miss this historic chance!

However, the revolutionary struggle for power is extremely complex and difficult; it cannot simply be won through a spontaneous uprising. In order to secure victory in the seizure of power, a few historical conditions must be met.

First, the Iranian people must correctly understand the nature and tasks of this revolutionary movement and follow a correct line.

Given the current state of social development in Iran and the historical conditions that this state offers for the revolution, the current revolutionary movement should be a democratic popular revolution. Its historical task should be the establishment of a democratic popular society and a democratic popular republic.

The term “people” here should refer to all class and political forces that are prepared to realize a democratic people's society in Iran, led by a political party that reflects the fundamental interests of the working population and consists predominantly of it.

This forms the line and general program of this revolutionary movement.

Second, it must be clear that the complete victory of this democratic people's revolution can only be achieved by the working people themselves. In the face of complex struggles, we must never forget that the liberation of the working class is the task of the working class itself. The people must independently and autonomously carry out the democratic popular revolution under the leadership of their own political party, strive for its complete victory, seize state power, and establish a democratic people's republic that belongs to the people themselves.

We can use the contradictions and conflicts between the reactionary regimes of the US, Israel, and Khamenei to find the most favorable historical opportunities and conditions for the victory of the people's democratic revolutionary movement. However, the leadership of the revolution must remain firmly in the hands of the people and must not fall into the hands of US and Israeli imperialism. Furthermore, we must be fully prepared for the fact that both during the struggle for revolutionary victory and afterwards, conflicts with imperialist powers such as the US and Israel—more specifically, with the hegemonic leader Trump—are inevitable. First, we must never be grateful to him, and second, we must under no circumstances bow to his instructions.

In short, the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people must maintain its independence and retain its leadership over this revolution.

To advance the development of the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people, we would like to share some insights from Chairman Mao's leadership of the Chinese Revolution.

Chairman Mao identified the “three magic weapons” that made the victory of the Chinese Revolution possible.

First, a revolutionary party equipped with the correct theory, line, and strategy must lead this great democratic people's revolution. As a huge and populous revolutionary movement, without unified party leadership, the people's revolutionary movement cannot defeat vicious enemies and achieve revolutionary victory, as fragmented, independently led struggles would prove futile.

Second, it is important to quickly build an independent armed force belonging to the revolutionary movement of the people and prepare for armed struggle. Weapons can be captured from the enemy or procured through all available channels. As long as the independence of the armed forces is preserved, they are firmly anchored in the revolutionary movement of the people under the leadership of the revolutionary party, and are not manipulated by other internal or external political forces, they are reliable and free from the danger of undermining the revolution.

Third, the broadest possible united front must be formed. All political forces that support the democratic revolutionary movement of the people and the establishment of a democratic people's republic in Iran can join this united front. This includes dealing appropriately with Crown Prince Pahlavi, which requires the development of sound strategies based on practical circumstances. It is crucial that the leadership of the revolution remains firmly in the hands of the party. History shows that the success of a united front depends on whether it is led by a strong party equipped with the right theory, line, and strategy.

It is perfectly clear that these “three magic weapons” form an organic unity. The party leadership directs the armed struggle and leads the united front. If the Communist Party of Iran were capable of taking on such a historic task, it would indeed be highly desirable, as it would guarantee the victory of the Iranian people's democratic revolutionary movement.

Once this revolutionary movement of the Iranian people rises up, seizes this historic opportunity, and effectively uses the “three magic weapons,” we believe that the victory of the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people will be assured.

Long live the victory of the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people!

Long live the Democratic People's Republic of Iran!

Appendix:

Resolutely support the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people!

— Chinese People's Democratic Front

Since December 28, 2025, Iranians have taken to the streets to protest against Khamenei's reactionary theocratic dictatorship and launch a major democratic revolutionary movement.

The struggle has now lasted eighteen days. It is becoming increasingly fierce, as is the repression. The Iranian people are shedding blood; they are paying with their lives for the victory of the people's democratic revolutionary movement!

The Iranian people are right; the Iranian people are just. The core of this struggle of the Iranian people is to demand the establishment of a new society in Iran—a society of people's democracy, in which women in particular can be liberated—to replace the dark old society currently ruled by a reactionary, autocratic monopoly capitalist group under the guise of religion.

This is undoubtedly a just struggle, one of great democratic-revolutionary significance that advances historical progress. Struggles of this kind inevitably involve bloodshed, and the Iranian people are enduring this brutal but inevitable historical process.

It is precisely on the basis of this understanding that all just peoples worldwide must resolutely support the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people and take a firm stand against the brutal, bloody repression of its people by the reactionary Iranian government. We must extend a helping hand to the Iranian people in every possible way and by every means. We must fight side by side with the Iranian people until final victory is achieved!

This is a question of fundamental political principle that we face. Whether to side with the reactionary Khamenei regime or with the democratic revolutionary movement of the people that aims to overthrow this regime—every individual and every political force must make its choice. In fact, everyone is already making their choice. This is a crucial choice between progress and reaction, revolution and counterrevolution, and a great test. Our solidarity with the revolutionary struggle of the Iranian people is one choice; the government's “characteristic” de facto support for the Khamenei regime is another. Nations and peoples around the world are indeed making this choice. Recognizing these two fundamentally different and diametrically opposed choices and understanding the deep-rooted class interests behind them has practical and crucial educational significance for revolutionary peoples worldwide.

The struggle of the Iranian people remains extraordinarily difficult. The greatest difficulty is that this is a spontaneous democratic popular movement, not a conscious movement led by a revolutionary party with correct lines and strategies.

This difficulty is no accident. Under Khamenei's fascist dictatorship, there is simply no way to organize a revolutionary party. The sparse so-called “opposition” serves only to support the regime through its feigned criticism, and this political force remains extremely weak. It is precisely this political landscape that inevitably limits the revolutionary struggle of the Iranian people to its current spontaneous historical phase. This explains why the struggle currently requires immense hardship and sacrifice and why its future takes two possible courses.

If we can help Iranian politicians, revolutionaries, and the broad masses of the people to understand and grasp this truth, it would be the most important and significant support for the democratic revolutionary movement of this people—a support even more important than the supply of weapons. We hope in particular that within this Iranian democratic revolutionary movement, such leaders, such party organizations, such theories, lines, and strategies will emerge from the ranks of the working masses.

The living reality of history is always complex, so simplistic dogmatism must be avoided. The current struggle in Iran faces some very specific and complicated practical problems.

One of these is how to deal with the interference of the US, including Israel.

To deal with this correctly, it is most important to recognize the nature of the contradiction between US imperialism and the Khamenei regime. Basically, it is a contradiction between two major monopoly capitalist blocs or, in other words, between the regimes of two imperialist powers—one new and one old.

Based on this fundamental assessment of the nature of the contradiction, we can see that American imperialism's interest in the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people and its desire to seize the opportunity to overthrow the Khamenei regime do not stem from concern for the demands of the Iranian people, nor from concern for the historical progress of Iran, and certainly not from a desire to establish a democratic people's republic in Iran. Their real concern, in a nutshell, is to protect American interests in Iran and throughout the Middle East. This fact is not only obvious to everyone, but has even been acknowledged by the United States itself, especially by Trump.

Therefore, as the Iranian people advance their revolutionary movement, they must keep this reality clearly in mind. If the American imperialists succeed in overthrowing Khamenei's regime, it would genuinely benefit the development of the Iranian people's revolutionary movement. But even under such historic circumstances, there can be no question of cooperation with American imperialism. Such an alliance would not only provide Khamenei's reactionary regime with a pretext for repressive measures, but would above all be incompatible with the nature and demands of the Iranian people's democratic revolutionary movement. The correct strategy can only be to seize the opportunity presented by the collapse of Khamenei's regime.

to take power independently and legitimately and to establish the Democratic People's Republic of Iran independently and legitimately in accordance with the aspirations of the Iranian people.

The importance of correctly understanding and dealing with this question is underscored by another problem: the reactionary Khamenei regime is currently attempting to portray the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people as instigated by the United States, including Israel. This makes a correct understanding and handling of this question all the more important.

Fortunately, there is a historical precedent for this from World War I. Under the leadership of revolutionary leaders, the working masses first recognized that the conflict arose from contradictions between imperialist powers—basically a struggle for imperialist interests. This is comparable to the current rivalry between the American and Iranian regimes.

Against this backdrop, the revolutionary people pursued a strategy of hoping for the defeat of their own government in the war in order to create the conditions for taking power. The Russian October Revolution achieved victory precisely with this approach. The revolutionary movement of the Iranian people must now learn from this historical experience in order to develop the right strategy for dealing with the current complex situation.

Only in this way can it avoid passivity in the face of complicated struggles. Instead, it can use the contradictions and conflicts between the imperialist powers to overthrow the reactionary Khamenei regime and independently and successfully establish a democratic people's government that belongs to the Iranian masses.

The historic task facing the Iranian people is to establish a democratic people's regime and build a democratic People's Republic of Iran. This should be the general line and program of the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people.

Under the leadership and adherence to this line and program, all political forces in Iran that are willing to participate in this revolutionary movement of the people—including politicians with considerable influence on the masses, such as Crown Prince Pahlavi—can form a broad and thus powerful united front. This will be the reliable guarantee that the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people will ultimately achieve complete victory!

We resolutely support the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people!

Long live the victory of the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people!

Long live the Democratic People's Republic of Iran!

Long live the Iranian people!

January 14, 2026

Resolute support for the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people! (English version, translated)

We resolutely support the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people!

—Chinese People's Democratic Front

Since December 28, 2025, the people of Iran have taken to the streets and launched a great democratic revolutionary movement against the reactionary, autocratic, and theocratic rule of Khamenei.

The struggle has now lasted 18 days. It is becoming increasingly fierce, as is the repression. The people of Iran are bleeding, risking their lives to achieve victory for their democratic revolutionary movement!

The Iranian people are right, the Iranian people are just. At the heart of this struggle by the Iranian people is the demand for a new, democratic society in Iran, above all one in which women can be free, to replace the current dark, old society ruled by a reactionary, autocratic, and monopolistic capitalist group masquerading as a religious authority.

Based on this understanding, all just people around the world should resolutely support the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people and speak out strongly against the brutal and bloody suppression of the people by the reactionary Iranian government. We must help the Iranian people with all possible means and channels. We must fight together with the Iranian people until final victory!

This is an important political question we are faced with. Whether to side with the reactionary Khamenei regime or with the democratic revolutionary movement of the people, which aims to overthrow the reactionary Khamenei regime, is a decision that each individual and each political force must make for themselves, and in fact they have already made their decision. This is an important choice between progress and reaction, revolution and counterrevolution, and also an important test.

Our support for the revolutionary struggle of the Iranian people is one choice; the “special government's” support for the Khamenei regime is another. People in all countries and nations of the world are in fact making this choice. Recognizing that there are two fundamentally different and opposing choices, and understanding the deep-rooted class interests behind these different positions, has very practical and important educational significance for revolutionaries worldwide.

The struggle of the Iranian people remains a great challenge. The greatest difficulty lies in the fact that it is merely a spontaneous democratic revolutionary movement of the masses and not a conscious democratic revolutionary movement of the masses under the leadership of a revolutionary party and guided by the correct line and strategy.

The existence of such a difficulty is no accident. Under Khamenei's fascist dictatorship, there was simply no way to organize a revolutionary party. The few remaining so-called “opposition members” played only a minor role as critics, and their political power was extremely weak. This political landscape inevitably led to the revolutionary struggle of the Iranian people remaining in a spontaneous historical phase. Therefore, this struggle involves enormous difficulties and sacrifices and has two possible future scenarios.

If we can help Iranian politicians, revolutionaries, and the general public understand this principle, it would be the most important and significant support for this people's democratic revolutionary movement and would even surpass material weapons in importance. Above all, we hope that within this democratic revolutionary movement in Iran, such leaders, such party organizations, and such theories, guidelines, and strategies will emerge organically from the working population.

Real history is always complex, so we cannot resort to simplistic dogmatism. The current struggle in Iran faces some very specific and complicated practical challenges.

One of these challenges is the question of how to deal with the interference of the US, including Israel.

To properly address this problem, it is most important to recognize the nature of the contradiction between US imperialism and the Khamenei regime. Simply put, it is a contradiction between two major monopoly capitalist blocs, or more precisely, a contradiction between two regimes of new and old imperialist powers.

Based on this fundamental assessment of the nature of the contradiction, it becomes clear that US imperialism's interest in the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people and its desire to seize the opportunity to overthrow the Khamenei regime do not stem from concern for the demands of the Iranian people, the progress of Iranian history, or the establishment of a democratic people's republic in Iran. Their real concern can be reduced to one point: US interests in Iran and throughout the Middle East. This is obvious to everyone, even the US itself, especially Trump, has acknowledged this.

Therefore, the Iranian people must be aware of this when they launch their revolutionary movement. Even if the US dismantling of the Khamenei regime could benefit the development of the Iranian people's revolutionary movement, cooperation with the US is out of the question under such historical conditions. Such an alliance would not only provide the reactionary regime of Khamenei with a pretext for repressive measures, but above all, it would run counter to the nature and requirements of the Iranian people's democratic revolution. The correct strategy is to seize power independently and legitimately, to take advantage of the collapse of Khamenei's regime, and to establish the Democratic Republic of the Iranian people independently and legitimately in accordance with the will of the Iranian people.

The importance of understanding and dealing with this issue correctly also lies in another problem: Khamenei's reactionary regime now claims that the democratic revolution of the Iranian people was instigated by the US, including Israel. This makes it even clearer how important it is to understand and deal with this issue correctly.

Fortunately, there is a historical precedent for this from World War I. At that time, the broad masses of the working population, led by revolutionary workers' leaders, were the first to recognize that World War I was triggered by contradictions between imperialist powers and was essentially a struggle for their interests. This bears certain similarities to the current conflict between the US and Iranian governments. Against this historical background, the revolutionaries pursued a strategy aimed at ensuring that their own government would lose the war, thereby creating the conditions for a revolutionary uprising and the seizure of power. In this way, the Russian October Revolution was victorious. Now, the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people should learn from this historical experience the correct strategy for dealing with the current complex situation.

Only in this way can it avoid passivity in the face of complex struggles and instead use the contradictions and struggles between the imperialist powers to overthrow Khamenei's reactionary regime and independently and smoothly establish a democratic people's regime that belongs to the vast majority of the Iranian people.

The historic task facing the Iranian people is to establish a democratic people's regime and build Iran into a democratic people's republic. This should be the general line and program of the current revolutionary movement of the Iranian people.

Under the leadership and adherence to this path and program, all political forces in Iran that are willing to participate in this revolutionary movement of the people—including politicians who exert considerable influence on the masses, such as Crown Prince Pahlavi—can forge the broadest and strongest national united front. This will provide a reliable guarantee for the final and complete victory of the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people!

Resolutely support the democratic revolution of the Iranian people!

Long live the victory of the democratic revolution of the Iranian people!

Long live the Democratic People's Republic of Iran!

Long live the Iranian people!

January 14, 2026

The beginning of the victory of the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people

The Chinese People's Democratic Front

There is some surprisingly good news: the city of Arak has announced the establishment of a workers' soviet!

This is an event of historic significance. As with any revolution, the fundamental question is that of state power; who holds it determines everything. The workers' soviet of Arak is precisely this state power—a revolutionary government that represents the working people of Arak in opposition to the reactionary regime of Khamenei.

This means that the Iranian people must rely on their own strength to achieve their liberation. It means that the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people has reached a new historical stage—the establishment of their own government to confront and defeat Khamenei's reactionary regime.

The government is the state, the state apparatus, the organs of power. To do this, it needs armed forces, an army, otherwise it cannot survive a single day.

The Arak Workers' Council must immediately and without hesitation build its own armed forces, its own army. Only with a regime and armed forces can it withstand the bloody repression of the reactionaries, avoid unnecessary sacrifices, and achieve victory.

This follows from the nature of this democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people. The Iranian people must correctly understand the nature of this struggle. Ultimately, this is a struggle between the suffering Iranian workers and the Iranian monopoly capitalist interest groups that oppress and exploit them. This is commonly referred to as class struggle. Such a struggle is irreconcilable, a matter of life and death. In waging such a struggle, one must not harbor any illusions, make any compromises, or show any leniency, but must be determined to defeat and destroy the enemy decisively and thoroughly.

What if there were no armed forces, no army? The answer is simple and clear: we must build our own armed forces, our own army, in the revolutionary process of fighting and overthrowing the Khamenei regime. The principle that the entire population are soldiers has always been the secret weapon with which revolutionary popular movements triumph over reactionary regimes. Enemy forces can be crushed, weapons can be seized—the people, with their boundless creativity, are perfectly capable of overcoming all difficulties!

The Arak Workers' Council is the beginning of the inevitable victory of the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people! It is the only correct way and path for the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people to achieve victory!

To achieve this, there must be a revolutionary party equipped with advanced ideological theory and capable of providing the democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people with advanced guidelines, principles, policies, and strategies. Only such a party can steadfastly lead Iran to victory through various forms of the people's democratic revolutionary movement, including armed struggle.

This cannot be replaced by any other political force or form, nor by spontaneous struggles of the masses. It is the only correct path to victory for the democratic revolution of the Iranian people.

Victory for the democratic revolution of the Iranian people can only be achieved by the Iranian people themselves. Hope for victory cannot be placed in external forces, especially not in Trump's intervention. A correct understanding of Trump's reactionary nature is essential. Otherwise, replacing Khamenei with Trump would result in the Iranian people remaining unliberated, oppressed, and exploited.

The strength of the Iranian people lies within themselves. To realize this, they must unite. Unity is strength; unity is victory. In this brutal and acute struggle, solidarity between the revolutionary masses and forces is of utmost importance. The struggle is hard and complex. Differing views on strategy are normal, but they must not lead to disunity or even division, which would lead directly to defeat. Revolutionary masses and forces must learn mutual understanding and compromise, striving to find common ground while setting aside differences. United against Khamenei's reactionary regime, this unity is an indispensable prerequisite for the victory of the revolution. Different political views among the revolutionary masses are normal and understandable. But in the pursuit of victory for the people's democratic revolution and the liberation of the Iranian people, we must seek common ground and set aside minor differences. Internal divisions offer opportunities to the enemy; only unity is the miracle weapon to defeat him.

Today's Arak is tomorrow's Iran. The courageous and magnificent Iranian people, undaunted by hardship and sacrifice, are waging the final but most glorious battle to overthrow Khamenei's reactionary regime. Victory will surely belong to the Iranian people!

Long live the Workers' Council of Arak!

Long live the People's Council of Iran!

January 17, 2026

Contact: xiangguanqi88@gmail.com

Appendix:

We have just received an important document from the Islamic Communist United Front, which we attach here. We are pleased that the views of our Chinese communists (Marxist-Leninist-Maoists) and our Iranian comrades are basically in agreement. We hope that the correct positions in our statement will help the comrades of the United Communist Front of Iran to correctly lead this great democratic revolutionary movement of the Iranian people. The title of the “Statutes” of the Iranian comrades emphasizes the united front, which we consider to be entirely correct and practical. In fact, it can be said that this is a crucial strategic and political question that will directly determine the success or failure of this struggle.

Iranian Communist United Front publishes charter to overthrow the reactionary regime and

establish people's power

On January 19 at 8:00 a.m. Iranian time, the Iranian Left and Communist United Front published a charter to overthrow the Islamic Republic and establish Iranian people's power.

Since December of last year, a new wave of uprisings has swept across Iran due to the devaluation of the currency and rising prices for essential goods. This movement has quickly spread to many universities and dozens of cities, with the Iranian people, long oppressed by the religious and bourgeois regime, taking to the streets to demand the overthrow of the Shiite theocratic dictatorship.

This monumental wave of movement is a continuation of the revolutionary upheavals of 2022 and the historic political storms of the past.

Inspired by two decades of proletarian struggle in Iran, the women's liberation movement, progressive student activism, and Kurdish resistance to oppression have flourished and, in turn, strengthened the Iranian proletarian movement. The women's liberation movement in particular has dealt a severe blow to the ideological pillars of the Islamic regime.

These political movements are driven jointly by workers, the urban poor, women, teachers, progressive students, and marginalized youth. Driven onto the streets by unemployment and unprecedented economic hardship, by gender, ethnic, and religious discrimination, by the denial of social, political, and personal rights, and by the bourgeois government's predatory policies toward the proletariat, they are confronting Iran's Islamic monopoly capitalist regime head-on.

These large social movements, supported by the Iranian masses, have exposed the crisis of rule of the Islamic Republic. A severe economic crisis, exacerbated by systemic corruption—deeply rooted in factional rivalries within the ruling class—hyperinflation, rising prices, and mass unemployment have rendered the bourgeois Islamic Republic incapable of providing the population with basic necessities such as food, water, and electricity. This paralysis has developed against the backdrop of failed regional hegemonic strategies, the disintegration of the so-called “arc of resistance,” and defeat in the “Twelve-Day War”—which further exacerbated the already sharp conflicts within the ruling class and fundamental internal contradictions. Amid this turmoil, the Islamic government is attempting to alleviate the pressure of Western imperialism and international isolation through negotiations and compromises, but it can only hope in vain to ensure its own survival and extinguish the already blazing flames of popular uprising through escalating violent repression.

From the outset of the movement, the authorities of the Islamic Republic have acted brutally. On the twelfth and thirteenth days of the protests, they used the appeals of Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of the former Shah of Iran, and the instructions of Donald Trump as a pretext to commit heinous crimes against the Iranian people. The leadership of the Islamic Republic has cut off all channels of communication and murdered thousands to intimidate the protesters. The bodies of the victims piled up in warehouses at Kahrizak Hospital in Tehran and other locations. However, given the current economic situation, the authorities of the Islamic regime are unwilling and unable to meet even the most basic survival needs of the mass movement. Moreover, the tactics of white terror and massacres no longer intimidate society as they once did. The growth of nationwide workers' movements and other progressive currents is now unstoppable, and major uprisings and revolutionary explosions are imminent.

Faced with this situation, all factions of the Iranian bourgeois opposition, apart from the ruling clique, are equally helpless. The internal Iranian Republicans (or, in other words, the liberal-minded Iranians) fear the rise of the workers and the revolutionary movement even more than the regime itself. Under the banner of so-called nonviolence, they are quick to label the revolutionary actions of the masses as “violent” and openly reject any form of revolutionary change. Their proposed solutions to the capitalist economic crisis in Iran amount to nothing more than further layoffs, continued reduction of labor costs, restoration of normal relations with Western governments, and implementation of free market economic policies. At best, these forces seek to replace the existing theocratic regime with a non-religious but still exploitative regime, while maintaining capitalist relations of production.

Another faction of the bourgeois opposition forces—including monarchists, extremist jihadist organizations, certain comprador-oriented groups within the republican faction, and Kurdish and regional nationalist parties—are pinning their hopes for the overthrow of the reactionary regime of the Islamic Republic on US military intervention and the war efforts of the fascist Israeli regime. They have no alternative strategy except to hope that regime change will take place without the participation of the masses. It is obvious that under these circumstances, American military intervention would not only undermine the mass movement of the Iranian people, but would also favor the rise of factions within the Islamic government that are capable of compromising with or capitulating to the United States and would brutally suppress the current mass movement.

Despite the consistent strategy of white terror pursued by the authorities of the Islamic Republic, socialist parties such as the Communist Party of Iran and the Communist Workers' Party of Iran, together with other progressive forces, have agreed on a socialist revolutionary strategy and are prepared to form a pan-Iranian leadership body. In this dangerous situation, socialist revolution is the only option that can open up prospects for liberation for the workers and oppressed peoples of Iran, who have been driven to despair by their double impoverishment in economic and political terms. Only a socialist revolution and the establishment of a Soviet regime based on the dictatorship of the proletariat can offer the Iranian people a way out of all the economic crises, social hardships, and oppression, exploitation, and injustice suffered by the lower classes.

In line with the spirit of the recent Stockholm conference, the Communist United Front calls on all Iranian workers, the working masses, freedom seekers, progressive women, and members of the Communist Party to join the revolutionary path to a Soviet regime. It declares the establishment of a Soviet people's government based on democratic centralism.

The Communist United Front promises that the emerging Soviet regime will announce and swiftly implement a series of socialist measures and programs, including freedom of expression, civil equality, gender and sexual orientation equality, child protection, environmental protection, abolition of feudal religious despotism, confiscation of religious property, socialization of important means of production, and the arrest and public condemnation of reactionary regime leaders.

The Iranian left and the Communist United Front appeal to the entire Iranian people: We have entered a decisive phase that will determine the fate of future generations. Our revolutionary decisions, our will, and our actions today can and will shape both the present and the future. The Soviet regime and the socialist revolution are imminent and within reach. This correct path, both in the struggle to abolish the Islamic Republic and in the era that follows, will put an end to all the suffering and pain that capitalism has imposed on the proletariat until now.

Down with the reactionary capitalist regime of the Islamic Republic!

Long live freedom, long live socialism!